Sarah Palin ‘Honored’ to Get Backing From Nation’s Largest LGBTQ Republican Activist Group


Sarah Palin, who is running for U.S. House in the Nov. 8 election, just Tweeted out that she has been endorsed by the Log Cabin Republicans, which claims to be the nation’s oldest and largest group of LGBT Republican activists.

“I am honored to have earned the endorsement of the Log Cabin Republicans in the race for Alaska’s at-large congressional seat,” Palin tweeted on Sept. 28. “Republicans must unite to win this important election so we can reclaim the House majority and start working to get America back on the right track. Together, we will restore American energy dominance, curtail inflation, get the economy growing again, and protect our God-given individual liberties.”

The Log Cabin Republican’s website claims the group is comprised of “loyal Republicans” who aim to “educate Republicans” on how to accept and advance the LGBTQ agenda.

“Log Cabin is PROUD to endorse @SarahPalinUSA for Congress!” the group stated on Sept. 27. “Palin is a trailblazer who paved the way for the America First movement. Her commitment and dedication to Alaska is unparalleled and admirable. Palin will protect individual liberties for all Americans!”

For Log Cabin Republicans, “individual liberties” includes gay marriage, LGBTQ adoption and a nationwide ban on so-called underage “conversion therapy.” This term is often used by LGBTQ activists as a way to outlaw Christian and religious-based therapists from counseling and encouraging youth to accept their biological sex, rather than take hormones and surgeries to appear as the opposite sex.

The group also opposes bills that aim to safeguard conscience rights and has fought against banning transgender restrooms in government facilities. This is a direct violation of the Republican National Committee’s resolution to oppose transgender facilities.

“Working from inside the Party — educating other Republicans about LGBT issues — is the most effective way to gain new Republican allies for equality,” the group states. “Equality will be impossible to achieve without Republican votes.”

Aside from working inside conservative circles, Log Cabin also network with radical LGBTQ groups from all political persuasions to advance its agenda.

“Over the last three decades, many LGBT activists and straight allies worked hard to make the Democratic Party more inclusive on LGBT issues,” the group’s website explains. “Log Cabin Republicans are doing the same important work to transform the GOP. Without more allies in the Republican Party, equality will be impossible to achieve.”

Photo credit: Gage Skidmore via Flickr

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Judge Set to Decide Whether Rep. Eastman Can Appear on Nov. 8 Ballot


. . .Anchorage Superior Court Judge Jack McKenna will decide whether conservative State Rep. David Eastman (R-Wasilla) will be allowed to appear on the Nov. 8 ballot.

In a Sept. 20 hearing, Eastman’s attorney – former U.S. Senate candidate Joe Miller – argued that attempts to remove Eastman from the ballot amount to an unsubstantiated and politically motivated hit job against a conservative politician.

The case involves former Mat-Su Borough Assemblyman Randall Kowalke, who is being assisted by the hard-left legal group Norther Justice Project. Kowalke asserts voters shouldn’t even have the option of voting for Eastman because of his membership with the national Oath Keepers group, an organization that Kowalke claims advocates for the overthrow of the federal government.

Kowalke says Eastman’s membership violates the Alaska Constitution’s loyalty clause and he wants Judge McKenna to order the Division of Elections to disqualify Eastman from the ballot.

The loyalty clause states: “No person who advocates, or who aids or belongs to any party or organization or association which advocates, the overthrow by force or violence of the United States or of the State shall be qualified to hold any public office of trust or profit under this constitution.”

Earlier this summer, the Division of Elections reviewed a complaint by Kowalke in which he asked for Eastman to be nixed from the ballot. The state agency, however, determined that Eastman was a candidate in good standing, regardless of his membership with Oath Keepers.

Kowalke doesn’t think the Division of Elections faithfully carried out its mission to vet candidates. Since his case against Eastman doesn’t officially begin until mid-December, he wants a judge to step in with a preliminary injunction that removes Eastman from the Nov. 8 ballot.

Kowalke’s main argument revolves around the fact that some Oath Keepers have been charged – but not convicted – in the events that unfolded on Jan. 6, 2021, at the U.S. Capitol. Two members of the 38,000-member national organization have pleaded guilty of seditious conspiracy to try and stop the certification of the presidential election.

Despite the actions of a small percentage of its members, Oath Keepers bylaws do not call for the overthrow of the government, and neither has Eastman.

On Sept. 20, Judge McKenna asked Kowalke’s attorney Savanna Venetis Fletcher how Eastman’s Oath Keepers membership, alone, made him ineligible to run for public office.

Fletcher tried to lump Eastman in with the few bad actors from Jan. 6, and argued that allowing him to stay on the ballot would cause “irreparable harm” to voters in State House District 27 because Eastman might later be deemed ineligible to hold public office after the main December trial regarding his Oath Keepers membership plays out.

“If we start saying that somebody who has an association with a disfavored group can’t run for office, what have we become?” Miller asked the judge.

Miller countered by saying that none of the allegations against Eastman have been proven, and that the entire case shows a “reckless disregard” for evidence – resting on mainstream press reports and complaints by Eastman’s political opponents.

Miller said the entire Oath Keepers organization has been “drug through the media” as an insurrectionist group, despite the fact that there has only been a few dozen of them indicted out of tens of thousands of law-abiding members.

He pointed out that every Oath Keeper takes an oath of allegiance to uphold the federal constitution. Mere association with a group that may have some bad actors should not be sufficient to bar a candidate from running for office, Miller maintained.

“If we start saying that somebody who has an association with a disfavored group can’t run for office, what have we become?” Miller asked the judge.

Furthermore, he noted that Alaska’s disloyalty clause mandates public office holders to take an oath to the state and federal constitutions at the time they are sworn in – something which Eastman has done repeatedly.

“The oath is the means by which you determine whether or not somebody is in compliance,” Miller argued.

He added that Eastman’s decision to attend former President Donald Trump’s speech on Jan. 6 is not evidence that he supports insurrection. In fact, there were tens of thousands of peaceful, law-abiding citizens who turned out to listen to their sitting U.S. president give a speech that day.

If the court removes Eastman from the ballot based of his membership with Oath Keepers, it would not only disenfranchise voters, but cause irreparable harm, Miller said.

Miller also suggested that Eastman’s Oath Keepers membership is tenuous, at best. He signed up on an email list 13 years ago, made a one-time donation and then received a “lifetime membership” certificate in the mail. Since then, he has never attended an Oath Keepers meeting or rally, nor has he once advocated for the violent overthrow of the government.

“There is no way the plaintiffs can contest those facts, and they haven’t,” Miller said.

Arguing on behalf of the Division of Elections, Assistant Attorney General Lael Harrison said Judge McKenna should reject the plaintiff’s request against Eastman.

She said the Division of Elections was fully aware of Eastman’s attendance at the Jan. 6 rally and his Oath Keepers membership – neither of which was found to be sufficient grounds to remove him from the ballot.

Furthermore, Harrison noted that the Division of Election’s primary job is to ensure public confidence in elections, and that anything which disrupts that process has the “potential to cause an actual problem or a perception concern in the eye of the public.”

Photo credit: Flickr

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Coast Guard Spots Chinese, Russian Naval Ships off Alaska

A U.S. Coast Guard ship on routine patrol in the Bering Sea came across a guided missile cruiser from China, officials said Monday.

But it turned out the cruiser wasn’t alone as it sailed about 86 miles (138 kilometers) north of Alaska’s Kiska Island, on Sept. 19.

The patrol boat, known as a cutter called Kimball, later discovered there were two other Chinese naval ships and four Russian naval vessels, including a destroyer, all in single formation.

The Honolulu-based Kimball, a 418-foot (127-meter) vessel, observed as the ships broke formation and dispersed. A C-130 Hercules provided air support for the Kimball from the Coast Guard station in Kodiak.

“While the formation has operated in accordance with international rules and norms, we will meet presence with presence to ensure there are no disruptions to U.S. interests in the maritime environment around Alaska,” Rear Adm. Nathan Moore, Seventeenth Coast Guard District commander said. (Read more from “Coast Guard Spots Chinese, Russian Naval Ships off Alaska” HERE)

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Former Typhoon Merbok Blasts Alaska With Historic Storm Surge

A historic storm blasted western Alaska Friday and Saturday with hurricane-force winds, over 50-foot seas and coastal flooding not seen in decades, leaving homes flooded, roads washed away and power out to a wide area.

What used to be Typhoon Merbok morphed into a powerful northern Pacific storm as it raced nearly due north and pushed through the Aleutian Islands Friday and into the Bering Sea Saturday, bringing a dangerous storm surge inundating coastal villages and towns under several feet of water for hours.

Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy declared a state disaster area Saturday morning and was set to ask the U.S. government for a federal disaster declaration on Monday. But Dunleavy says despite the record-breaking impacts, the emergency operation center had not received any reports of injuries.

As the storm weakened and passed into the Arctic, towns and villages along the Bering Sea began cleaning up debris that had washed ashore. Dozens of homes and buildings flooded as the Bering Sea pushed inland, and several roads left damaged.

(Read more from “Former Typhoon Merbok Blasts Alaska With Historic Storm Surge” HERE)

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Alaska’s Ranked-Choice Voting Scheme Was a Plot to Save Murkowski, but It Also Doomed Palin

Election officials called Alaska’s special election House race for Democrat Mary Peltola over 2008 GOP vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin last week. Peltola’s victory, despite nearly 60 percent of votes cast for a Republican on all first-choice ballots, will mark the first time since 1973 that a Democrat will represent the state in the lower chamber.

Whether the August contest was Palin’s race or Republican Nick Begich’s race to lose is an open question. Whether the Republicans’ loss was a consequence of Alaska’s new ranked-choice voting system, however, is no doubt, and GOP Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski is the one to blame.

In 2010, Sen. Murkowski captured re-election through a triumphant write-in campaign after losing the Republican primary to a former federal magistrate who was backed by Palin. Murkowski comfortably won a third full term in 2016 but continued to antagonize the state’s Republican base with votes to oppose restrictions on abortion, preserve Obamacare, and convict President Donald Trump in his second impeachment. Murkowski also voted “present” in the confirmation of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and she upset constituents when last year she served as the tie-breaker to move forward the nomination of Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, who has shut down state development projects.

In other words, Murkowski did not strive to win over Republicans in a state that went for Trump by 10 points in 2020. To save her seat, Murkowski operatives devised a plan to avoid a primary by radically transforming the state’s election system. The answer became ranked-choice voting, a ballot system to rig elections in favor of the incumbent.

Under the ranked-choice ballot system, the traditional partisan primary is replaced by an open-party contest where the top four candidates advance to the general election. Voters then “rank” their preferred candidates in the ensuing race. If none receives a majority, or more than 50 percent of the first-choice ballots cast, the votes are tabulated again and the lowest scoring candidate is eliminated. The losing candidate’s ballots then count toward their second-choice pick, and the process is repeated until a candidate reaches more than 50 percent of the vote. (Read more from “Alaska’s Ranked-Choice Voting Scheme Was a Plot to Save Murkowski, but It Also Doomed Palin” HERE)

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Sarah Palin Condemns Ranked Choice Voting System Following Election

Former 2008 vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, who ran for Alaska’s lone U.S. House seat, condemned the special election results Thursday, which used ranked-choice voting to declare her Democrat opponent Mary Peltola the victor.

“Ranked-choice voting was sold as the way to make elections better reflect the will of the people,” Palin said in a statement. “As Alaska — and America — now sees, the exact opposite is true.”

Palin’s loss became clear Wednesday night, two weeks after voters went to the polls in the first-ever ranked-choice voting election in the state, which uses an electoral system that allows voters to rank candidates by preference on their ballots in rounds. A candidate can win outright with more than 50% of the vote in the first round.

If no candidate receives at least half of the votes, the lowest-ranking candidate is eliminated. Voters who chose the lowest-ranking candidate as their top pick have their votes count for their second-ranked choice. The rounds continue until two candidates remain, with the victory going to the candidate with the most votes in the final rank.

Palin argues the voting system effectively disenfranchised 60% of Alaska voters, considering Peltola won the state’s House special election with only 40% of first-place votes in the initial count. (Read more from “Sarah Palin Condemns Ranked Choice Voting System Following Election” HERE)

Photo credit: Gage Skidmore via Flickr

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Sarah Palin Should Blame Lisa Murkowski for Her Special Election Loss

Last night, Democrat Mary Peltola defeated Republican firebrand and former governor Sarah Palin in Alaska’s special election for its vacant House seat. Palin should have won. But it was Alaska’s first time using ranked-choice voting in an election, and that spelled the Trump-backed candidate’s doom.

For those unfamiliar with ranked-choice voting, here’s a primer: if a candidate does not receive a majority — i.e., more than 50 percent — of first-place votes, ballots are retabulated, the lowest-vote getter is eliminated, and their votes go to voters’ second choice. This process continues until a candidate clears 50 percent of the vote.

In the first round of voting, Peltola won 40.2 percent of first choice preferences, followed by Palin’s 31.1 percent, and Republican Nick Begich III’s 28.5 percent. This means 59.6 percent of voters initially cast their ballot for Republican candidates.

After Begich was eliminated in the second round of tabulation and his votes reallocated, 50 percent of Begich voters ranked Palin as their second choice; with 29 percent crossing party lines to vote for Mary Peltola. 21 percent of his voters chose not to rank a second choice, a phenomenon otherwise known as ballot exhaustion. (Read more from “Sarah Palin Should Blame Lisa Murkowski for Her Special Election Loss” HERE)

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After Alaska, Where Ranked Choice Voting Is Headed Next

Alaska’s ranked choice voting system, used for the first time this year in the state’s primaries and a special congressional election, yielded a defeat for former Gov. Sarah Palin and confusion over the complicated practice.

Ranked choice voting allows voters to list a second choice and third choice (and beyond) on their ballots rather than forcing them to select one candidate.

Advocates of the system say it encourages friendlier and more centrist races, because candidates have to compete not just to get the top spot on a voter’s ballot but also to land in the second or third spot of a voter who may not consider them a first choice.

Opponents of ranked choice voting argue the complex nature of calculating votes can too easily produce a winning candidate who does not reflect the will of the majority.

Interest in ranked choice voting has grown in recent years as more states and cities adopt the method. (Read more from “After Alaska, Where Ranked Choice Voting Is Headed Next” HERE)

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SARAH PALIN SPECIAL ELECTION RESULTS: And the Winner is . . . Dominion Voting Systems???

By Matt Johnson. Alaska’s Special Congressional Election has been called for Democrat Mary Peltola, who reportedly edged former Governor Sarah Palin by the slimmest of margins in Round 2 of the Ranked Choice vote (RCV) count.

RCV is working exactly as planned, as Alaska is now completely dependent on the “integrity” of the new Dominion Voting Machines purchased by the Dunleavy Administration in 2020.

Palin won the Special Election Primary with 27.01% and 43,601 votes. Democrat Mary Peltola, meanwhile, received just 10.08%, amounting to 16,265 votes, good for a 4th place finish.

This means that One-third of Establishment Republican Nick Begich’s supporters suicide voted by ranking Peltola ahead of Palin on their Special General Election ballot. A clear sign that they hate Palin more than they love their country.

Peltola was the first-choice vote of just 39.66% of voters in the Special General Election.

The makeup of the electorate, though, raises serious questions about the legitimacy of the outcome.

While it is only possible to gauge the Alaskan electorate with proximate accuracy, given the disproportionate number of undeclared and nonpartisan registrations, polling seems to suggest the turnout was disproportionately left-leaning relative to voter registrations and voter intensity.

While we can’t identify party allegiances, we can identify how most voters actually vote.

Registered Republicans in Alaska outnumber registered Democrats almost 2-1, and unaffiliated voters are roughly equal to Republican registrations.

While there are a few minor parties, mostly right-leaning, all things being equal a general election under RCV with two Republicans and one Democrat would be decided by an electorate that is in simplified short-hand 40% Republican, 40% Independent, and 20% Democrat.

This means for Peltola to receive nearly 40%, she had to win more than 50% of the Independent voters. This assumes equal turnout among Republicans and Democrats.

Why is this a heavy lift?

1. Peltola was a late entry to the Special Election, which was already on a truncated schedule.

2. Peltola is not a household name, and it is doubtful that half of the electorate knows who she is outside of the Alaska Native community.

3. Polling over the last several months has indicated a strong and decisive edge to Republicans in voter intensity that exceeds intensity during Republican wave cycles in 1994, 2010, and 2014, ranging anywhere from 10-22 points higher than Democrat intensity. This means turnout should’ve favored Republicans by a wide margin.

4. One poll taken back in March even showed Independents favoring Republicans in Alaska by 13 points.

5. Peltola is a sure vote for Nancy Pelosi in the midst of one of the most troubled economic environments in 40 years.

6. All things being equal, which they are not in the State of Alaska, midterm Congressional elections almost always advantage the party out of power.

Even if DOE numbers are taken at face value, Republican turnout exceeded Democrat turnout by more than 18 points, yet Alaska is faced with the prospect of being represented by a liberal Democrat in Congress.

How do we know this count is accurate? I guess we’ll just have to trust Dominion Voting Systems. But don’t ask any questions. It’s strictly verboten.

Welcome to the wonderful Brave New World of Woke! Fourth Place really is the new 1st Place.

Alaska’s Ranked-Choice Voting Hands Democrat Victory Over Sarah Palin

By Townhall. For the first time since 1973, Alaska’s at-large U.S. House seat will be occupied by a Democrat after Mary Peltola prevailed in the second round vote tabulation of the special general election held to fill the vacancy created after GOP Rep. Don Young passed away earlier this year.

In the first round, Peltola held a lead after Republicans split their votes between former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin (finishing second) and Nick Begich. Under Alaska’s new ranked-choice voting system narrowly approved by voters in 2020, the last place candidate (Begich) was eliminated and his votes reallocated to his supporters’ second-choice candidates.

Ultimately, according to data broadcast by the Alaska Division of Elections on Wednesday evening, round two saw 27,042 votes added to Palin’s total and 15,445 for Peltola while 11,222 Begich voters didn’t list secondary choices. In the end, Begich’s second-round votes gave Peltola a win with 51.47 percent of the votes over Palin’s 48.53 percent. (Read more from “Alaska’s Ranked-Choice Voting Hands Democrat Victory Over Sarah Palin” HERE)

Photo credit: Gage Skidmore via Flickr

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TRY TO MAKE SENSE OF THESE NUMBERS: More Evidence that Lisa Murkowski Cheated AGAIN

“Those who don’t learn from history are doomed to repeat it.” So said George Santayana. Alaska’s been on replay for years. It’s time to learn a lesson. So, buckle up, and let’s take a quick trip down memory lane.

In December 2002, Governor-elect Frank Murkowski shocked and scandalized the world by appointing his daughter Lisa to serve the remainder of his term in the United States Senate.

The Alaska Legislature was so incensed by the move that they promptly passed legislation to block such a move from ever happening again.

What history has largely forgotten is that when then-Senator Lisa Murkowski stood for election in 2004, her electoral “victory” came under highly suspicious circumstances in both primary and general elections. Murkowski’s primary opponent that year was former State Senate President Mike Miller, who had been appointed to serve as her father’s Commissioner of Administration just months earlier.

According to those close to Mike Miller’s US Senate campaign, there was never a serious effort to compete with the Governor’s daughter, which prompted one staffer I’m acquainted with, when asked about Mike’s endorsement of Murkowski’s 2010 campaign, to quip: “I wish I could say that I’m surprised.” Other staffers and/or volunteers on Mike Miller’s US Senate campaign expressed the same sentiment. But it was the 2004 General Election that ushered in the larger controversy. At the time, though I was an Alaska resident, I missed the controversy. Only six years later when prominent Democrats reached out to support us in our challenge of Murkowski’s write-in did I become aware of the significance of that election. Ironically, the numbers are still on the Division of Elections website for the initial elections report. In that report, 51 precincts reported more than 100% turnout, and another 23 precincts reported more than 90% turnout, largely in heavily Republican Districts.

A group of Democrats came up with funds for a recount, saying they distrusted the machine count of the ballots. The recount supposedly confirmed the initial election results, and the recount report didn’t show any of the precinct irregularities the second time around. But six years later, Democrats were still smarting from what they deemed to be a rigged election.

After getting blindsided by a Joe Miller victory in the 2010 Republican primary, Lisa Murkowski launched her “historic” write-in campaign, with the help of State bureaucrats and judges, who cleared the way for unprecedented changes to State Administrative Code, without respect to The Administrative Procedures Act, which required a public process, and in violation of State Electioneering Statutes and the Federal Voter Rights Act.

The Obama Justice Department cooperated by rubberstamping the Division of Elections’ rogue maneuverings after the fact, and the Alaska Court System reversed a lower court ruling in Miller’s favor to tilt the scales decisively in Murkowski’s favor.

After the election, the Alaska State Legislature endorsed the Division of Elections’ actions by codifying the “voter intent” standard that allowed the DOE Director sole discretion in matters relating to voter intent. So, essentially, voter intent is whatever the Director says it is.

In 2016, on the eve of the filing deadline, Joe Miller received a call from former Anchorage Mayor Dan Sullivan asking for his support to run against Murkowski. Miller assured Sullivan that he would not enter the race, and that he would support Sullivan’s candidacy.

Only Sullivan promptly withdrew from the race shortly after the filing deadline, after a bizarre television interview where he insisted, he wasn’t actually running against Murkowski and gushed about his family’s historic relationship with the Murkowski family.

Conservatives had little recourse but to watch as Murkowski cruised to a 2016 Republican primary victory without a viable challenger. But even that wasn’t without controversy, as traditional Democrat voters in some areas of rural Alaska were allowed to vote two ballots in order to pad Murkowski’s totals. She still tallied less than 40K votes, even though she received more than 70% of the vote.

Joe Miller later accepted an invitation to join the race on the Libertarian Party ticket, finishing second to Murkowski with almost 30% of the vote in a four-way race. But it was too little too late, with Alaska Republican Party Chair Tuckerman Babcock assisting Murkowski by waging a scorched earth campaign of his own against Miller.

The Alaska Republican Party was subsequently fined thousands of dollars by the Federal Election Commission for failing to disclose Babcock’s dishonest “hit job” on Joe Miller was actually coordinated with Murkowski. It was completely ignored by the Alaska media.

Meanwhile, a frivolous complaint filed by the Alaska Republican Party on behalf of Murkowski against Miller that was eventually unanimously dismissed by the Federal Election Commission showed up as headline news.

As has now been established by Project Veritas, it turns out Murkowski was behind the 2020 Proposition 2 campaign that was thrust on Alaskan voters under false pretenses as a campaign against “Dark Money.” All the while it was always designed to deceive Alaskans and assist Murkowski in the 2022 election, as it was widely believed that Murkowski was nonviable without it.

The move to a jungle primary ensured that Murkowski could enjoy an open primary where she could access Democrat support, but more importantly for the Senator, the ranked choice voting system guaranteed that the general election vote count in 2022 would be completely machine-dependent.

Enter Dominion Voting Systems, newly purchased in 2020 by new (old Murkowski friend) Division of Elections Director, Gail Fenumiai. So much for Governor Mike Dunleavy’s promise to clean up elections in Alaska. As Joseph Stalin said, “It doesn’t matter how many people vote, only who [what] counts them.”

Now let’s look at some numbers for the 2022 Alaska jungle primary election.

Despite reports to the contrary, by total number of votes, the 2022 Alaska primary election enjoyed extremely high turnout by historic standards, eclipsing even the record primary turnout of 2014.

Some say this extraordinarily high turnout is due to the new jungle primary, and ranked choice voting system. But does this really make sense?

The jungle primary assuring the top four finishers automatically advance to the general election would suggest otherwise. It actually makes the primary less important, and leaves the general election as the all-important part of the equation.

According to the Alaska Division of Elections, with 5 precincts still not reported, two weeks after the election, Lisa Murkowski has now reportedly tallied 85,344 votes. Why is this number significant?

Dating back more than 30 years, this is the highest vote total an Alaskan politician has ever received in a primary election, including the beloved Senator “Uncle Ted” Stevens, for whom a State Holiday is named. How does this comport with Murkowski’s electoral history?

In three previous primary elections, Murkowski averaged just 46,376 votes, including her highwater mark of 53,872 in a 2010 loss to Joe Miller. In her 2016 Republican primary without a viable challenger, Murkowski garnered only 39,545 votes with more than 70% of the vote.

Now we’re supposed to believe she’s one of the most popular politicians in the history of Alaska primary elections: after breaking her promise to repeal Obamacare, casting the deciding vote to save President Obama’s ill-fated government-run healthcare plan; voting against confirmation of Justice Kavanaugh; supporting the impeachment of President Trump; and voting to confirm Joe Biden’s radical pick for Secretary of the Interior, a sworn enemy of resource development in Alaska?

Is it really plausible that Murkowski more than doubled her primary vote total over 2016 while running against President Donald Trump (who won Alaska less than 2 years ago by double digits), while being censured by the Alaska Republican Party, and running up against her most formidable opponent since 2010 in Harvard Law Graduate and former State Commissioner Kelly Tshibaka?

Is it actually plausible that Republicans are voting for Murkowski?

According to Breitbart News, a Cygnal poll conducted earlier this year found 87% of Alaska Republicans viewed Murkowski unfavorably. It further reported Republican voter intensity favored a generic Republican by 22 points on the ballot, and independent voters preferred a Republican over a Democrat by 13 points. A poll conducted by Gallup last month found voter intensity nationwide to favor Republicans by 10 points.

There is a truism in politics: “friends come and go, but enemies accumulate.”

Lisa Murkowski has made more enemies than any Republican office holder in the country, including the most powerful Republican enemy one can have at this point: President Donald Trump.

According to Breitbart News, Donald Trump’s 2022 endorsement record now stands at 209-17.

Yet, we’re supposed to believe Murkowski is running away with the 2022 Alaska primary election.

Are Democrats really voting for Murkowski? Really?

The same Democrats that voted Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 Alaska Democratic primary 80-20?

Those Democrats suddenly decided to reward Lisa Murkowski for voting to confirm two out of three of Donald Trump’s picks for Supreme Court that resulted in the overturning of Roe v. Wade? Really?

Those Democrats decided to vote for Murkowski in a meaningless primary that benefits them in no discernable way? And they decided for Murkowski somewhere in the neighborhood of 80-20? How can that be? What is in it for Democrats to vote Murkowski in the primary when she was already assured a slot in the general election? For that matter, why would they vote Murkowski as their #1 choice even in the general election, given that their #2 choice vote would likely have an identical effect?

And how is it that Democrat turnout in this primary election is dwarfing Republican turnout relative to registration numbers, considering the overwhelming reported Republican advantage in voter intensity?

None of this adds up.

It doesn’t add up in the Murkowski race, but the anomalies keep coming even when one moves outside the Murkowski race.

Average Democrat primary turnout over the last 20 years has been 40,452; average non-Republican turnout (to include all other parties) for primary elections over the last 20 years is 50,814.

Murkowski’s vote totals are tracking almost the same as the Walker/Gara tickets when combined. Are we to believe that Bill Walker, who ran with Democrat Byron Mallott in 2014, totally sold out to the Democrat special interests, and stole the PFD for State spending is still pulling Republican votes? It’s difficult to believe it is happening in any significant numbers.

Mary Peltola alone garnered 70,048 in this primary, far outpacing other more well-known Democrats who have held statewide office in the past.

Is Mary Peltola, a late entry into the special election not widely known outside the Alaska Native community, really that much more popular than former US Senator Mark Begich? Or former Governor Tony Knowles?

One might argue that the Special General Election conducted at the same time as the primary could account for the historically high Democrat turnout for the primary, but this holds no explanatory power for why Democrat-leaning votes so far out-pace Republican-leaning votes relative to voter registrations and voter intensity polling.

What are we to conclude from all this? You decide.

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