The Trump administration is considering raising the cost of U.S. citizenship applications, according to a Department of Homeland Security rule filed on Friday.
The fee for the U.S. citizenship application would increase to $1,170 – from $640, as first reported by The Wall Street Journal. . .
According to the document, a biennial fee review determined that current fees “do not recover the full costs of providing adjudication and naturalization services” at the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services. Without an increase in funding, the government predicts the agency would experience an average annual shortfall of $1.2 billion.
The Department of Homeland Security has proposed adjusting U.S. Citizenship and Immigration fees “by a weighted average increase of 21 percent,” in addition to adding fees for some benefit requests. U.S. immigration services is primarily funded by fees charged to applicants and petitioners. (Read more from “Trump Wants to Nearly Double U.S. Citizenship Application Fees” HERE)
Scholars infinitely more qualified than I have arguments on both sides of both issues, and I won’t delve into that thicket. But, as a profound beneficiary of “birthright” citizenship, I do have a view on the aspect of jus soli citizenship that we have come to deem a “birthright”: it doesn’t exist.
I was born in California to Indian parents on student visas. My dad was enrolled in a PhD program, while my mom was working to support our family. My birth on American soil about halfway through my dad’s program automatically meant I was eligible for U.S. citizenship.
My parents’ Indian citizenship meant they had a choice: I could be an Indian or an American, but I couldn’t be both, since India didn’t recognize dual citizenship. For them, it was a no-brainer — I would be the first American in my family. But I never had a “birthright” to be one. . .
My American citizenship, however, was an altogether different story. I had no natural right nor owed claim to citizenship of a country just because I was born within its geographical boundaries. Nor did my parents have the right to bestow upon me a citizenship they did not possess.
In fact, they had been allowed entry into the United States after satisfactorily convincing its government that they would only be visitors in a foreign land. In the eyes of everyone, including their own, they were temporary visitors in a country not their own. My birth to my parents, therefore, only gave me access to the rights that they had to pass on to me — rights of Indian citizenship. (Read more from “When I Was Born in the United States to Non-Citizens, America Did Not Owe Me Citizenship” HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/26683858163_cf56ff371c_b.jpg1024683Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2018-11-06 18:30:532018-11-06 18:27:48When I Was Born in the United States to Non-Citizens, America Did Not Owe Me Citizenship
Leftists concocted an ingenious game of judicial supremacism that creates a one-way ratchet for their policy outcomes – heads they win, tails they win. Yet the “conservative” legal community chooses to play this game. Nowhere is this more evident than in the debate over so-called birthright citizenship, where the Left cherry-picks one non-binding footnote of a terrible decision misinterpreting another bad decision that violates previous precedent, the plain meaning and purpose of the 14th Amendment, sovereignty, and the social compact while collectively ignoring endless uninterrupted case law indicating the opposite – all for the political outcome of giving our sacred birthright to illegal aliens.
The case liberals and pseudo-conservatives point to for the concept of rewarding invaders with citizenship is the Wong Kim Ark decision in 1898. But it’s important to note that even the notion of adopting automatic birthright citizenship for legal immigrants as a constitutional imperative (I support it as a matter of policy) was clearly an activist decision overturning precedent.
The truth about the 14th Amendment and citizenship
Rep. James F. Wilson, R-Iowa, the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee back in the 1860s who helped draft the 14th Amendment, spoke emphatically that it was “establishing no new right, declaring no new principle.” “It is not the object of this bill to establish new rights, but to protect and enforce those which belong to every citizen,” declared Wilson in 1866.
The notion that an amendment designed to grant freed slaves who lived here for centuries and had no allegiance to any other jurisdiction the basic rights of American citizens would be used as a tool to prevent Congress from regulating citizenship for immigrants of all stripes is scandalous.
The first sentence of the 14th Amendment: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.” We need not speculate what “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” means. As Sen. Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said during the debate over the 14th Amendment, “subject to the jurisdiction” of the United States means subject to its “complete” jurisdiction, “not owing allegiance to anybody else.” Of course persons present inside American territory are subject to our partial jurisdiction in the sense that they have to obey our laws and are subject to criminal prosecution for disobeying our laws. But when congressional drafters added the second phrase of jurisdiction to the citizenship clause, they were clearly limiting citizenship to those who, in the words of one of the key drafters, were subject to “complete” jurisdiction as Americans.
Sen. Jacob Howard of Michigan, the principle author of the citizenship clause of the 14th Amendment, explicitly said that candidates for citizenship must be born here and not owe allegiance to any another authority. Echoing Trumbull, he said “a full and complete jurisdiction” means “the same jurisdiction in extent and quality as applies to every citizen of the United States now.” He made it clear that allegiance “will not, of course, include persons born in the United States who are foreigners, aliens, who belong to the families of ambassadors or foreign ministers accredited to the Government of the United States.”
It’s not until an immigrant completes his naturalization process that he swears an oath with the emphatic commitment to “absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign … state.” The citizenship oath with that verbiage has been in use since the Founding of the country. Therefore, when the framers of the 14th Amendment spoke of “full and complete” jurisdiction, “the same jurisdiction in extent and quality as applies to every citizen of the United States now” and “not owing allegiance to anybody else,” they were clearly defining a legal permanent resident who is prepared to become a citizen. That state of being is regulated by the naturalization process and is subject to congressional regulation. But certainly, we can agree this cannot apply to illegals or those on temporary visas.
The body of case law on citizenship and sovereignty
There’s no more authoritative exposition of the 14th Amendment than the first court case after its ratification, the 1872 Slaughterhouse cases. Justice Samuel Miller confirmed that “its main purpose was to establish the citizenship of the negro” and that “the phrase, ‘subject to its jurisdiction’ was intended to exclude from its operation children of ministers, consuls, and citizens or subjects of foreign States born within the United States” (emphasis added).
Writing for the court in Elk v. Wilkins (1884), Justice Horace Gray asserted that the phrase “subject to the jurisdiction” is “not merely subject in some respect or degree to the jurisdiction of the United States, but completely subject to their political jurisdiction and owing them direct and immediate allegiance” (emphasis added).
Justice Gray’s opinion was guided, in part, by an 1873 legal opinion from Attorney General George Henry Williams, a senator at the time the 14th Amendment was ratified, stating that the amendment did not mean to include all aliens:
The word jurisdiction must be understood to mean absolute and complete jurisdiction, such as the United States had over its citizens before the adoption of this amendment. . . . Aliens, among whom are persons born here and naturalized abroad, dwelling or being in this country, are subject to the jurisdiction of the United States only to a limited extent. (Emphasis added.)
Thus, it was obvious that for the first few decades of the 14th Amendment, Congress never relinquished any power over regulating the citizenship of children born to legal immigrants, much less visitors or those here without consent.
Fast-forward 12 years, and the same Justice Gray who wrote this opinion inexplicably reversed course in Wong Kim Ark and created a hard floor out of the 14th Amendment to grant citizenship to all children of legal immigrants from all parts of the world.
As a matter of policy, it’s fine to grant automatic citizenship to all children of all legal immigrants, but this was clearly an activist opinion, divorced from the entire tradition of our Founding and the practice in the country for the first 30 years of the amendment. If our modern birthright citizenship “legal scholars” would bother to read the compelling and scholarly dissent of Chief Justice Fuller, they’d see that.
The very source of birthright citizenship made it clear that it doesn’t apply to illegal immigrants
Now, let’s put this academic debate over birthright for legal immigrants on the shelf. Justice Gray was unequivocal that this would never apply to those here without our consent. Thus, the very source the Left uses to give our birthright to illegals actually refutes their claims.
Among the many parts of Wong Kim Ark that the TV scholars conveniently omit is when Gray qualifies the mandate to grant citizenship to children of those immigrants living here “so long as they are permitted by the United States to reside here.” There it is. That’s the end of their argument based on this case.
Also, Gray used the term of art “domiciled” 12 times throughout the opinion when defining those covered, in his view, by the Citizenship Clause. In my previous piece, I proved from 130 years of case law that those here against our consent are literally considered to be off our soil. That precedent actually began with Justice Gray himself six years earlier in Nishimura Ekiu v. U.S. when he told us what “domiciled” does not mean.
Pursuant to the Chinese exclusion acts, unfortunately, Chinese immigrants were deemed inadmissible, aka illegal immigrants who had no consent to enter. Justice Gray was emphatic: “It is not within the province of the judiciary to order that foreigners who have never been naturalized, nor acquired any domicile or residence within the United States, nor even been admitted into the country pursuant to law, shall be permitted to enter, in opposition to the constitutional and lawful measures of the legislative and executive branches of the national government.”
There were therefore many important principles written by the very man from whom the Left erroneously gleans the “right” of birthright citizenship for the children of illegal aliens:
1) The political branches unquestionably can exclude anyone for any reason, even, unfortunately, for hateful reasons.
2) The courts have no jurisdiction over the issue of sovereignty.
3) Someone not admitted lawfully cannot be considered domiciled in the country. He references a domiciled legal permanent resident who is not naturalized, then refers to a temporary visitor who is not domiciled; finally, he refers to an illegal alien who most certainly is not domiciled.
Furthermore, in Wong Kim Ark, Justice Gray limited the scope of his birthright fiction to children of “resident aliens” who were under “the allegiance and under the protection of the country.” There is no way an illegal alien can be considered as owing allegiance to the United States.
The point is even stronger once we understand that “allegiance” and “protection” are designed as a reciprocal relationship between citizens and the government of the civil society – that in return for their allegiance, they receive protection. As the court said in Minor v. Happersett (1874) in the context of citizenship: “Each one of the persons associated becomes a member of the nation formed by the association. He owes it allegiance and is entitled to its protection. Allegiance and protection are, in this connection, reciprocal obligations. The one is a compensation for the other; allegiance for protection and protection for allegiance.”
Yet now we are all being told that our heritage, history, and wealth of case law on sovereignty mean nothing, all because a mindless, activist, and non-binding footnote from Justice Brennan in Plylor v. Doe (1982) incomprehensibly included illegal aliens in the judgment of Wong Kim Ark. If “conservative” legal scholars acquiesce to this double game of judicial black magic, they deserve to live under the judicial supremacy and all its vices.
Some are accusing the president of trying to repeal the 14th Amendment. But in fact, it is they who are not only repealing our Constitution but our Declaration of Independence, which gives the citizens of this society the right to government “by the consent of the governed.” (For more from the author of “Here’s What the Supreme Court Actually Said About ‘Birthright’ Citizenship” please click HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/Panorama_of_United_States_Supreme_Court_Building_at_Dusk-3.jpg19523788Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2018-10-31 20:24:452018-10-31 20:22:54Here’s What the Supreme Court Actually Said About ‘Birthright’ Citizenship
It’s time to reclaim our birthright. When an invading army comes to our border, can its general’s pregnant wife have the baby in our country and demand citizenship? Can our nation do anything to stop people from evading the Border Patrol, going to a hospital, and forcing a citizen upon us against our consent?
If you believe the answer is “no,” you don’t deserve to live in a sovereign nation. As Harry Reid said in 1993, “no sane country” would do such a thing. Moreover, anyone who wants to continue the practice of allowing stolen sovereignty is demonstrating that they want continued illegal immigration and that the amnesty debate is not about the logistical question of what to do with those already here.
With rumors swirling around that Trump will issue an order to stop granting birth certificates to children born to illegal immigrants, there’s a lot of ignorance about our history being propagated on the web. In chapter 4 of my book, Stolen Sovereignty, I make the full legal, historical, philosophical, and policy case against the practice of granting citizenship to illegal aliens. For today, I want to focus on one angle: the notion that there is no distinction between legal and illegal immigrants when it comes to birthright citizenship, an assertation made by leftist Justice Brennan in a footnote of the 1982 Plyler v. Doe opinion, a case in itself wrongly decided.
One thing that all sides of the so-called birthright citizenship debate forget is that nothing ever supersedes the consent of a nation. Even if one believes that Wong Kim Ark (1898) was rightly decided (here’s why it wasn’t), thereby creating a definitive floor for citizenship within the Constitution, outside Congress’ regulatory power, for kids born to all immigrants, there is no way that can apply to people who come here without the consent of the nation.
The Fourteenth Amendment stipulates two requirements for birthright citizenship: that the individual be born “in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof.” Let’s put aside the debate over what “subject to the jurisdiction thereof” means. Nobody can unilaterally assert jurisdiction against the will of the nation. But even if the Fourteenth Amendment didn’t contain the second condition and only stipulated that the child must be “born in the United States,” it is beyond settled law that if you are here without consent, it is quite literally as if you are not present in this country. This concept should not only shut down the phony birthright citizenship debate once and for all, but end this notion that illegals can come here and demand other benefits or standing in court for specific status against the will of the political branches of government, including a right to an abortion, simply because they successfully landed on our soil.
No foreigner or foreign entity can control the destiny of our nation and force upon us prospectively an outcome for citizenship, judicial standing, or any other benefit against the will of the president or Congress. It’s obvious that a country can never be forced to issue citizenship against its will, for if that were the case, it would cease to be a sovereign country “free from external control,” as the term is defined by Webster’s dictionary.
This is why James Madison, in his essay on sovereignty, used the example of citizenship to explain how, in a republican society, decisions must flow with the consent of the people through their elected representatives. And there’s no greater decision for society than the future makeup of the society itself. James Madison wrote in the 1835 essay, “In the case of naturalization a new member is added to the Social compact … by a majority of the governing body deriving its powers from a majority of the individual parties to the social compact.”
Nobody can dispute that a president has the power to keep out anyone seeking entry for any reason. As Justice Thomas wrote in his concurrence in Trump v. Hawaii, “Section 1182(f) does not set forth any judicially enforceable limits that constrain the President. … Nor could it, since the President has inherent authority to exclude aliens from the country.”
Yet I’ve been asked by friends what happens if, after we close the points of entry, the caravan sneaks onto our soil between the points of entry. The answer is simple, because nothing trumps sovereignty. Therefore, for anyone who breaks into our country without consent or overstays the terms of his or her entry, it’s as if they are physically not present on our soil. Constitutional rights on our soil, much less the ultimate prize of citizenship, only apply if you come here with consent. That is deeply rooted in social compact theory and settled law. As the court said long ago in United States v. Ju Toy (1905), a person who comes to the country illegally is to be regarded as if he had stopped at the limit of its jurisdiction, although physically he may be within its boundaries.
Already as far back as the 1950s, the Supreme Court had already said, “For over a half century this Court has held that the detention of an alien in custody pending determination of his admissibility does not legally constitute an entry though the alien is physically within the United States.” Leng May Ma v. Barber, 1958.
This is why the court said in Turner v. Williams (1904) that an inadmissible alien does not have First Amendment rights because “[h]e does not become one of the people to whom these things are secured by our Constitution by an attempt to enter forbidden by law.”
In the notorious Zadvydas v. Davis case (2001), the court reiterated that any alien “paroled in to the United States pending admissibility,” without having “gained [a] foothold,” has “not effected an entry.”
It’s absurd to assert that people who are supposed to be off our soil can, strictly by trespassing on it, achieve the ultimate benefit of citizenship for their kids.
The most important case that sheds light on this debate is Kaplan v. Tod (1925), when the court denied citizenship and relief from deportation to the daughter of a naturalized citizen who emigrated from Russia.
Here is a factual analysis of that case, excerpted from chapter 4 of my book:
On July 20, 1914, the Kaplan family came to Ellis Island to reunite with the father of the family, who had been working in the country for a few years. The thirteen-year-old daughter was deemed inadmissible for being “feeble minded,” but because of the outbreak of World War I, her deportation was delayed. She was handed over to the custody of the Hebrew Aid Society, which had her live together with her father until she was ordered deported in 1923.
In the meantime, the father had become a citizen three years earlier, and asserted that because his daughter was under twenty-one at the time of his naturalization and was living in the United States, she should be automatically granted citizenship alongside him, pursuant to longstanding law. But in a unanimous and terse decision, the Court swatted down the petition:
“Naturalization of parents affects minor children only ‘if dwelling in the United States.’ The appellant could not lawfully have landed in the United States in view of the express prohibition of the Act of 1910 just referred to, and until she legally landed ‘could not have dwelt within the United States.’”
The Court backhandedly rejected the notion that she “dwelt within the United States,” even though she physically lived with her father for nine years on American soil, partly with temporary permission from the government. That is because “she was still in theory of law at the boundary line, and had gained no foothold in the United States” and had never “been dwelling in the United States within the meaning of the Act.” Now stop for a moment and compare the language of the naturalization statute for those immigrant children seeking naturalization together with their parents to the wording of the Fourteenth Amendment governing those born here.
The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the child be born here and “subject to the jurisdiction thereof.” It is indisputable that even according to those opinions in which jurisdiction means territorial jurisdiction and not political jurisdiction (absurdly rendering the phrase superfluous, as noted earlier), the language of “subject to the jurisdiction” is certainly more restrictive than the purely geographical and literal phrase “dwelling in the United States.” After all, everyone concedes that Indian tribes and children born to foreign diplomats were excluded by this phrase, even though they are physically born on our soil.
Yet, the Court ruled in 1925, based on uncontested precedent, that those living here unlawfully don’t even satisfy the meaning and intent of “dwelling in the United States”—even in a case where they were granted temporary permission to live here on humanitarian grounds. It is therefore simply preposterous to assert that those who willfully violated our laws and snuck into the country without permission can secure jurisdiction for their children against the consent of the nation. As the Left would say, it’s “settled law” that illegal immigrants are considered “at the boundary line, and had gained no foothold in the United States,” irrespective of where they reside now.
The reality is that there was never a formal decision, much less a piece of legislation or a court case, mandating automatic citizenship for people who break into our country. Wong Kim Ark was about those invited in on immigrant visas. Justice Horace Gray, the author of Wong, referred to “domiciled” immigrants on 12 occasions in the case. Those promoting citizenship for illegals conveniently ignore his opinion six years earlier in Nishimura Ekiu, which clearly held that an alien not legally domiciled in this country is as if he is standing outside our soil as it relates to even due process rights, much less the right to assert jurisdiction on behalf of his child.
As illegal immigration became more common throughout the ’60s and ’70s, hospitals were never given any guidance and just lazily handed out birth certificates to everyone. The Social Security Administration and Health and Human Services were lax in oversight and never clamped down on this practice. It wasn’t until this issue became consequential, with hundreds of thousands of these new citizens every year in the early ’90s, that some in Congress demanded that it stop. It was in response to that outcry that leftists began concocting a retroactive constitutional mandate for this practice.
The proof that this was due to lax enforcement, not a deliberate legal decision, is that all sides agree that children of diplomats are excluded from citizenship. Yet there’s evidence that some of them were erroneously given birth certificates and never informed the SSA about the oversight. Trump is fully justified in using his ability to interpret the Constitution for executive purposes in the way he sees fit. I’d rather this be done through Congress, but legislators will never act.
Yes, obviously this will go to the courts, and the courts, which no longer believe in the Constitution or sovereignty, will rule that illegals can do whatever they want. But does the judiciary have exclusive and final jurisdiction over such a question that must be left to the people? This is not an individual case or controversy. This is the most sensitive national policy on citizenship. Judges certainly don’t have any more insight into this debate than our political branches of government do.
There you have it, folks. We are either a sovereign nation built upon the consent of the citizen or not. If we are told that there is nothing we can do to stop someone from invading, having a baby, and declaring this baby an American, then we no longer have America. (For more from the author of “Nothing, Not Even Birthright Citizenship, Trumps Consent of the Nation” please click HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/Four-color_map_of_the_United_States.png371572Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2018-10-30 19:12:472018-11-03 23:32:35Nothing, Not Even Birthright Citizenship, Trumps Consent of the Nation
Would you give up your citizenship in order to keep your bank account?
That’s a question few Americans would ever want to confront, yet many Americans living abroad are now having to answer.
A little-known tax law, known as the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act, has resulted in some foreign banks no longer serving Americans.
The law, signed in 2010 by President Barack Obama, was intended to make it harder for Americans to keep money overseas and out of the reach of the IRS. The primary target was rich Americans allegedly hiding money from tax collectors.
To find tax avoiders, foreign banks are conscripted by the U.S. government to serve as a compliance arm of the IRS. As a result, many of these stranded Americans have had to make the undoubtedly difficult decision to give up their citizenship just to continue to access their banking services.
Last year, 5,411 people renounced their U.S. citizenship, the largest number of published expatriates in one year, continuing a four-year streak of record-breaking numbers.
The Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act requires foreign financial institutions, such as banks, to identify and report to the United States most types of transactions for all American clients.
These new regulations are enforced by the threat of applying a 30 percent withholding tax on revenues generated in the United States by the noncompliant foreign financial institution.
The reporting burden and withholding penalty faced by foreign banks trying to comply with the new regulations has made it easier for some Americans to renounce their citizenship than to find a bank that is willing to bear the bureaucratic costs of complying with the law.
These penalties are not just hitting the rich, and they are not just harming tax dodgers. The cost of complying with this law hits every American living overseas, not just those targeted by the original legislation.
Middle-class Americans living abroad who are fully compliant with U.S. tax laws are losing their mortgages, business bank accounts, and personal banking services. The Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act has unintentionally ruined some Americans’ livelihoods.
To add insult to injury, the cost of implementing this law may soon outpace the money that it brings in.
Furthermore, the direct cost to taxpayers does not include the compliance costs to financial institutions. A legal challenge to the law in 2015 estimated compliance costs alone were on track to total more than the 10-year revenue estimates.
These regulatory costs can discourage international business, slow investment, and hamper the global economy.
The root of the problem is more than just compliance costs, it’s the U.S. government’s presumption that it is entitled to your money even if it’s earned in another country.
The U.S. is one of just a few countries that claims taxing rights on labor income earned abroad. Such a system of worldwide taxation hurts the American economy and makes it much harder for Americans to live abroad
Hopefully, relief from this law is around the corner. Rep. Mark Meadows, R-N.C., and Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., recently released a bill that would repeal the onerous regulations.
Congress and the IRS should focus on the U.S. domestic tax system and leave Americans living abroad alone. The Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act is yet another example of continued government overreach.
Hopefully, tax reform will bring with it relief for all Americans—including those living overseas. (For more from the author of “Why Record Numbers of Americans Are Renouncing Their Citizenship” please click HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/american-flag-1416349_960_720.jpg663960Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2017-04-24 23:19:382017-04-24 23:19:38Why Record Numbers of Americans Are Renouncing Their Citizenship
If Nidal Hasan had not committed his heinous crime, could he have been President?
Yes, according to conventional political wisdom.
For the sake of argument, let’s make a hypothetical comparison between Nidal Hasan and Marco Rubio, who are of similar age and backgrounds in terms of Presidential eligibility.
Nidal Malik Hasan was born on September 8, 1970 in Arlington, Virginia. According to the New York Times, Hasan’s parents emigrated to the U.S. from a small town near Jerusalem, were presumed to be Jordanian citizens, became permanent U.S. residents and, before their deaths, became U.S. Citizens.
On November 5, 2009, Hasan reportedly shouted “Allahu Akbar” (or “God is Great”) and opened fire in the Soldier Readiness Center of Fort Hood, located in Killeen, Texas, killing 13 people and wounding over 30 others in the worst shooting ever to take place on an American military base.
Senator Marco Antonio Rubio (R-FL) was born on May 28, 1971 in Miami, Florida. His parents, Mario and Oriales, emigrated to the U.S. from Cuba in 1956, were both permanent U.S. residents when Senator Rubio was born and became U.S. citizens in 1975.
[Constitutional Law Expert KrisAnne Hall, Esq. discusses presidential eligibility at 18:15 below]
Senator Rubio is now a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination.
What is the difference between Nidal Hasan and Marco Rubio in terms of Presidential eligibility according to the conventional political wisdom?
None. They are both considered “natural born citizens” and both are eligible for the Presidency.
Article II Section I Clause 5 of the U.S. Constitution, which proscribed Presidential eligibility states:
“No person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.”
What was the original public meaning of the phrase “natural born citizen” that establishes the eligibility for the office of President of the United States?
“There is general agreement on the core of its meaning. Anyone born on American soil whose parents are citizens of the United States is a ‘natural born citizen.'”
What is then the difference between Nidal Hasan and Marco Rubio in terms of Presidential eligibility according to an originalist interpretation of the Constitution?
None. Neither are “natural born citizens” and neither are eligible for the Presidency.
To understand who is a “natural born citizen” according to the original intent of the Framers of the Constitution, one needs to refer to the republican principles expressed in Emer Vattel’s, “Law of Nations,” with which the Framers were intimately familiar.
Pundits of the conventional political wisdom often mistakenly refer to “natural born subjects” in English common law as the source of the concept of “natural born citizen.” There is a difference between English common law, from which the American colonists broke away, and the republican principles espoused in Vattel’s “Law of Nations”, that is, monarchies have subjects, republics are formed by citizens. Natural-born subjects are born within the dominions of the crown of England and subject to the king, whereas, our Constitution created a federal government which was subject to us, the citizens of the republic.
Vattel says in “Law of Nations”, Book I, Ch. XIX:
§ 212: Natural-born citizens are those born in the country of parents who are citizens.
The republican concept of “natural born citizen” is radically different from the feudal notion of “natural born subject.” Under English common law merely being born in the domains of the King made one by birth a “natural born subject”. In Vattel’s model and in our constitutional republic, citizens are “natural born” only if they are born of citizens.
In addition, having just separated from Great Britain and fearing foreign influence on the President and Commander in Chief of the American military, the future first U.S. Supreme Court Justice, John Jay, on July 25, 1787, asked the convention presiding officer George Washington to strengthen the requirements for the Presidency:
“Permit me to hint, whether it would be wise and seasonable to provide a strong check to the admission of Foreigners into the administration of our national Government; and to declare expressly that the Command in Chief of the American army shall not be given to nor devolve on, any but a natural born Citizen.”
It is important to note that pundits of the conventional political wisdom make two other errors when attempting to define “natural born citizen:” (1) the “one-parent” argument for “natural born citizen” only began in 2008 to accommodate the eligibility of Barack Obama and (2) statutory law, that is, laws passed by Congress may only define the manner in which one becomes a citizen, per Article I Section VIII of the Constitution; not the concept of “natural born citizen,” which can only be changed by Constitutional Amendment.
Senator Ted Cruz, for example, claims to be a “natural born citizen” because he was a “citizen at birth” through his one-parent US citizen mother.
If the Framers of the Constitution meant the eligibility requirement to be “citizen at birth,” why didn’t they write it that way?
In a letter written to James Madison, the Father of the Constitution, Alexander Hamilton had suggested that “born a citizen” be used:
“No person shall be eligible to the office of President of the United States unless he be now a Citizen of one of the States, or hereafter be born a Citizen of the United States.”
Such phrasing was known at the time of the writing of the Constitution and it was rejected.
It appears that our corrupt political-media establishment does not wish the American people to understand to true intent of the Framers of the Constitution, when they created the eligibility requirements for President of the United States. (For more from the author of “Is the Fort Hood Shooter a ‘Natural Born Citizen’ and Eligible for Presidency?” please click HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.png00Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2016-01-13 00:23:532016-04-11 10:53:54Is the Fort Hood Shooter a ‘Natural Born Citizen’ and Eligible for Presidency?
Many members of the political-media establishment are either deliberately misrepresenting facts for political reasons or they are simply ignorant of those facts, that is, the manner in which one becomes a citizen as opposed to the concept of natural born citizenship.
Those who equate “citizen” with “natural born citizen” often misinterpret Constitutional law and statute law, the latter meaning that Congress may pass laws only defining the manner in which one becomes a citizen, either citizen by birth or a naturalized citizen, not the Constitutional concept of natural born citizenship.
In addition, many people mistakenly cite English Common Law as the origin of the natural born citizen concept, which, in that regard, the Founders rejected; rather than its true origin, the codification of natural law described by Emerich de Vattel in his 1758 book “The Law of Nations.”
Article II, Section 1, Clause 5 states:
“No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.”
Recognizing the Constitutional nature of the natural born citizen concept, there have been numerous attempts, in recent years, both by Democrats and Republicans, to amend the Article II “natural born citizen” clause, including:
January 14, 1975 – Democrat House Rep. Jonathon B. Bingham, [NY-22] introduced a constitutional amendment under H.J.R. 33: which called for the outright removal of the natural-born requirement for president found in Article II of the U.S. Constitution – “Provides that a citizen of the United States otherwise eligible to hold the Office of President shall not be ineligible because such citizen is not a natural born citizen.”
June 11, 2003 – Democrat House member Vic Snyder [AR-2] introduced H.J.R 59: in the 108th Congress – “Constitutional Amendment – Makes a person who has been a citizen of the United States for at least 35 years and who has been a resident within the United States for at least 14 years eligible to hold the office of President or Vice President.”
September 3, 2003 – Democrat Rep. John Conyers [MI] introduced H.J.R. 67: – “Constitutional Amendment – Makes a person who has been a citizen of the United States for at least 20 years eligible to hold the office of President.”
September 15, 2004 – Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher [CA-46] introduced H.J.R. 104: – “Constitutional Amendment – “Makes eligible for the Office of the President non-native born persons who have held U.S. citizenship for at least 20 years and who are otherwise eligible to hold such Office.”
According to Article II, Section I, Clause 5 of the U. S. Constitution, a candidate for the Presidency must be a “natural born citizen,” that is, a second generation American, a U.S. citizen, whose parents were also U.S. citizens at the time of the candidate’s birth.
That there is a difference between “citizen” and “natural born citizen” has been clear since the writing of the U.S. Constitution on September 17, 1787 and its ratification on June 21, 1788.
A first draft of what would become Article II, Section 1, Clause 5, submitted by Alexander Hamilton to the Constitutional Convention on June 18, 1787 stated:
“No person shall be eligible to the office of President of the United States unless he be now a Citizen of one of the States, or hereafter be born a Citizen of the United States.”
Fearing foreign influence on the President and Commander in Chief of the American military, the future first U.S. Supreme Court Justice, John Jay, on July 25, 1787, asked the convention presiding officer George Washington to strengthen the requirements for the Presidency:
“Permit me to hint, whether it would be wise and seasonable to provide a strong check to the admission of Foreigners into the administration of our national Government; and to declare expressly that the Command in Chief of the American army shall not be given to nor devolve on, any but a natural born Citizen.”
The term “or a Citizen of the United States at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution” referred to loyal Americans who lived in the thirteen colonies at the time of the Revolutionary War, thus establishing the first generation of United States “citizens,” upon which future “natural born” citizens would be created. The Founders, under Article II, allowed these original U.S. citizens to be eligible for the Presidency.
As understood by the Founders and as applied to the U.S. Constitution, the term “natural born citizen” derived its meaning less from English Common Law, than from Vattel’s “The Law of Nations.”
They knew from reading Vattel that a “natural born citizen” had a different standard from just “citizen,” for he or she was a child born in the country to two citizen parents (Vattel, Section 212 in original French and English translation).
That is the definition of a “natural born citizen,” as recognized by numerous U.S. Supreme Court and lower court decisions (The Venus, 12U.S. 253(1814), Shanks v. Dupont, 28 U.S. 242 (1830), Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1856), Minor v. Happersett, 88 U.S. 162 (1875) , Ex parte Reynolds, 20 F. Cas. 582 (C.C.W.D. Ark 1879), United States v. Ward, 42 F. 320 (1890); Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898), Ludlam, Excutrix, & c., v. Ludlam, 26 N.Y. 356 (1863) and more) and the framers of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the 14th Amendment, the Naturalization Act of 1795, 1798, 1802, 1885, and our modern 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1401.
There are historical arguments too numerous to include in a short article, which explain why the definition of “natural born subject,” as found in the English Common Law, was not used as the basis of “natural born citizen” in the U.S. Constitution because Great Britain was a monarchy and the new nation was a constitutional republic.
Legal precedent and interpretation leave no doubt regarding the meaning of “natural born citizen.”
The Venus, 12 U.S. 8 Cranch 253 253 (1814)
“The citizens are the members of the civil society; bound to this society by certain duties, and subject to its authority, they equally participate in its advantages. The natives or indigenes are those born in the country of parents who are citizens.”
Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857)
“The citizens are the members of the civil society; bound to this society by certain duties, and subject to its authority, they equally participate in its advantages. The natives, or natural-born citizens, are those born in the country, of parents who are citizens.”
John Bingham, father of the 14th Amendment, which gave citizenship to American slaves after the Civil War, stated on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives in 1862:
“All from other lands, who by the terms of [congressional] laws and a compliance with their provisions become naturalized, are adopted citizens of the United States; all other persons born within the Republic, of parents owing allegiance to no other sovereignty, are natural born citizens.”
In 1866, Bingham also stated on the House floor:
“Every human being born within the jurisdiction of the United States of parents not owing allegiance to any foreign sovereignty is, in the language of your Constitution itself, a natural born citizen.”
Minor v. Happersett , 88 U.S. 162 (1875)
“The Constitution does not in words say who shall be natural-born citizens. Resort must be had elsewhere to ascertain that. At common law, with the nomenclature of which the framers of the Constitution were familiar, it was never doubted that all children born in a country of parents who were its citizens became themselves, upon their birth, citizens also. These were natives or natural-born citizens, as distinguished from aliens or foreigners. Some authorities go further and include as citizens children born within the jurisdiction without reference to the citizenship of their parents. As to this class there have been doubts, but never as to the first.”
United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649 (1898)
“At common law, with the nomenclature of which the framers of the Constitution were familiar, it was never doubted that all children, born in a country of parents who were its citizens, became themselves, upon their birth, citizens also. These were natives, or natural-born citizens, as distinguished from aliens or foreigners.”
As recently as September 2008, in a Michigan Law Review article entitled “Originalism and the Natural Born Citizen Clause,” Lawrence B. Solum, then John E. Cribbet Professor of Law at the University of Illinois College of Law, wrote:
“What was the original public meaning of the phrase that establishes the eligibility for the office of President of the United States? There is general agreement on the core of its meaning. Anyone born on American soil whose parents are citizens of the United States is a natural born citizen.”
Citizen parents, plural.
Just as the Presidential oath of office is unique “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution,” the eligibility requirements for President are equally unique, to ensure allegiance and prevent foreign influence at the highest levels of government.
I think the Founders had anticipated the mess in which we find ourselves today. (For more from the author of “The Difference Between a U.S. Citizen and a Natural Born Citizen” please click HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.png00Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2016-01-11 00:26:562016-04-11 10:53:58The Difference Between a U.S. Citizen and a Natural Born Citizen
In a survey conducted by the University of Kent between December 2014 and January 2015, 1,546 U.S. citizens and former citizens were asked why they no longer wanted to be Americans. Survey participants stated that high taxes were the primary reason for renouncing their citizenship. But the survey also found that contrary to popular belief, income was not a key factor in their decision.
“Of those who have renounced or relinquished US citizenship (142 of the total respondents), nearly half (43%) have annual pre-tax household incomes of under $100,000 (USD). There is, similarly, very little difference in renunciation intention between those with lower incomes and those with higher incomes: of US citizen respondents with annual household incomes under $100,000 (USD), 28% are actively thinking of renouncing; of US citizen respondents with incomes above $250,000 (USD), 33% are actively thinking of doing so.”
In 2014, the government raised the fee for those wishing to formally relinquish their U.S. citizenship from $450 to $2,350. But nearly a third of those surveyed say they are still thinking about doing it anyway. . .
The record number of American natives who have renounced their U.S. citizenship is in sharp contrast to the much larger rise in immigrants coming to America. An estimated 41.3 million immigrants, both legal and illegal, currently live in the United States and their numbers grew by 1.4 million people between 2010 and 2013, according to the Census Bureau. The largest number – 11.6 million – are from Mexico. . .
The Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) explained that during the next decade, immigrants will make up the largest share of the U.S. population ever recorded in American history:“The [Census] Bureau projected the future size of the immigrant (foreign-born) population and found that by 2023 immigrants will account for more than one in seven U.S. residents (51 million).” (Read more from “Record Number of Americans Renounced Their US Citizenship in 2015” HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.png00Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2015-06-10 20:12:302016-04-11 11:00:11Why Are Americans Renouncing Their Citizenship in Record Numbers?
More Americans living outside the U.S. gave up their citizenship in the first quarter of 2015 than ever before, according to data released Thursday by the IRS.
The 1,335 expatriations topped the previous record by 18 percent, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. Those Americans are driven to turn in their passports in part because of laws that have expanded bank reporting and tax compliance requirements for expatriates . . .
An estimated 6 million U.S. citizens are living abroad, and the U.S. is the only country within the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development that taxes citizens wherever they reside.
In many cases, those choosing to give up their citizenship have limited connections to the U.S. and have lived outside of the country for most of their lives. Anyone born in the U.S. automatically receives citizenship, and people born abroad to U.S. parents are typically citizens as well.
“The cost of compliance with the complex tax treatment of non-resident U.S. citizens and the potential penalties I face for incorrect filings and for holding non-U.S. securities forces me to consider whether it would be more advantageous to give up my U.S. citizenship,” Stephanos Orestis, a U.S. citizen living in Oslo, wrote in a March 23 letter to the Senate Finance Committee. “The thought of doing so is highly distressing for me since I am a born and bred American with a love for my country.” (Read more from “Americans Living Abroad Set Record for Giving up Citizenship” HERE)
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.png00Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2015-05-08 00:36:562015-05-08 00:36:56Americans Living Abroad Set Another Record for Giving up Citizenship
Photo Credit: Julia FolsomPatricia Moon was born in Dayton, Ohio, to a family descended from Quakers who settled in the New World before the American Revolution.
As a young woman, Moon fell for a Canadian man and moved to Toronto. The 59-year-old homemaker, who still visits the U.S. to see relatives, said she feels American in her bones, even after three decades abroad. Yet despite her deep roots, Moon walked into a U.S. consulate two years ago, raised her right hand and recited an oath renouncing her U.S. citizenship. Afterward, she said, “I bawled my eyes out.”
Moon is among record numbers of Americans cutting ties. U.S. offices abroad reported that 1,001 U.S. citizens and green-card holders had renounced their allegiance in the first three months of the year…
https://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.png00Joe Millerhttps://joemiller.us/wp-content/uploads/logotext.pngJoe Miller2014-06-18 02:19:432016-04-11 11:08:29Record Number of Expatriates Renounce U.S. Citizenship