Raul Gulliver and Margaret Abudawood are two Californians who were killed within hours of each other in different parts of the state by drunk drivers. Both of the suspects are illegal aliens.

The media make sure that every American knows the name of every illegal immigrant who dies in DHS custody. But they do everything they can to cover up the number of people in America killed by illegal aliens who should never have been in the country. Raul Gulliver and Margaret Abudawood are names that should be known to all Americans.

Raul Gulliver, 34, from Riverside County, was riding his bike Saturday morning when he was struck head-on by a pickup truck driven by Hector Manuel Polanco, a 32-year-old illegal alien from Mexico. Polanco was charged with two felonies. Not a single local media report mentioned the fact that Gulliver was an illegal alien or that ICE had placed a detainer on him. But this week, ICE spokesperson Lori Haley in California confirmed to me that ICE had placed a detainer on Polanco on April 27.

In Fairfield, California, a day later, 31-year-old Arnulfo Santos-Reyes, a previously deported illegal alien from Mexico, allegedly ran a red light and crashed into a Toyota Sienna occupied by three people, killing 85-year-old Margaret Abudawood. The two others in the vehicle were brought to a hospital with major injuries. Santos-Reyes is being charged with felony DUI, vehicular manslaughter, and manslaughter with gross negligence after allegedly driving with both drugs and alcohol in his system. He was also driving without a license, even though California has openly granted licenses to one million illegal aliens. He is being jailed in a Solano County facility on more than $200,000 bond, according to county records.

Once again, not a single local media report mentioned his immigration status or the fact that ICE placed a detainer on him. In fact, the only article to even mention immigration status was one for the Solano County Daily Republic, which noted, “Questions about the citizenship of Santos-Reyes have been raised,” but then wrongly concluded based on a conversation with the Solano County Sheriff’s Office that ICE had not placed a hold on Santos-Reyes.

Indeed, an ICE hold was placed on Santos-Reyes on Sunday, April 28, according to ICE’s regional spokesman, Paul Prince. “U.S. Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE) lodged a detainer, April 28, 2019, on a previously removed Mexican national Arnulfo Santos-Reyes, following his arrest by local law enforcement in Fairfield, California, for charges including gross vehicular manslaughter while intoxicated,” said Prince.

It turns out that this is not his first criminal charge in this country, aside from coming here illegally. “ICE initially took custody of Santos-Reyes, Aug. 13, 2013, after he was arrested by local law enforcement on criminal charges,” said Prince. “He was released on an immigration bond pending removal proceedings before an immigration judge. On Mar. 18, 2015, an immigration judge ordered Santos-Reyes removed to Mexico after he failed to appear for his court hearing. ICE later located and arrested Santos-Reyes and removed him to Mexico Oct. 5, 2017.”

Under California law, local police departments are not allowed to inquire about immigration status or notify ICE they are holding any criminal aliens. ICE must find them on its own. This has created a systemic magnet for criminal aliens to remain in the state or continue returning even after being deported, as appears to be the case with Santos-Reyes. Now, an 85-year-old Californian has died a tragic death as a result of the epidemic of drunk driving among illegal immigrants.

Prince noted that “ICE remains committed to professionally and equitably enforcing the laws of the United States, and continuing its work with other law enforcement agencies to enhance public safety and national security.” Indeed, ICE has sought to make deporting those with DUI convictions a priority, as witnessed in its recent operation in New Jersey resulting in the arrest of 123 criminal aliens, the majority of whom were convicted of driving offenses.

Americans being killed by illegal aliens, particularly as a result of drunk driving, often go unrecorded and unreported in crime statistics and media accounts. Recently, there has been a rash of Americans killed by illegal alien alleged drunk drivers in Tennessee, Minnesota and Alabama.

Just this week, a Guatemalan national was sentenced to four years in prison in Virginia for a drunk-driving incident last year that killed a four-year-old boy and seriously injured both parents and two siblings. Despite 10 convictions on driving and drug offenses between 2014 and 2018, Jose Armelio Gonzalez-Flores was allowed to remain in the country and was even granted DACA status.

By the end of the week, most Americans will know that one illegal alien child died of natural causes in the custody of HHS after being transferred by ICE at the border, but almost nobody will know about Raul Gulliver and Margaret Abudawood. They were allegedly killed by illegal aliens who could have been removed if ICE were allowed to do its job and if states would actually work with ICE to simply root out the criminal elements among the illegal immigrants. And if Border Patrol wasn’t tied down with the endless flow of Central American families, agents would likely be able to catch more of those criminals returning after being deported.

The looming question is how many Americans are killed or seriously victimized by illegal aliens on a weekly basis without anyone ever reporting it? (For more from the author of “2 Californians Killed in Drunk-Driving Wrecks With Illegal Aliens” please click HERE)

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Sheriff Kenny Lemons never expected to deal with MS-13 criminal aliens after taking office 10 years ago in tiny Clay County, Texas, a rural area near the Oklahoma border. But thanks to the surge in Central Americans in recent years and what he believes to be lax cooperation with ICE from some of the larger metro areas in Texas, highway 287 has become a conduit for drugs and gang members passing through his city. The latest case of Douglas Guevera-Medrano, a 20-year-old illegal alien from El Salvador, underscores the problem.

Douglas Guevera-Medrano was caught in Clay County last Monday after a half-day manhunt involving multiple law enforcement agencies attempting to apprehend him. He had numerous outstanding warrants from Dallas County and is now booked in Sheriff Lemons’ Clay County jail on evading, failure to identify, and outstanding charges in other parts of Texas. According to KFDX, Guevera-Medrano has six outstanding charges from Dallas County for criminal mischief and theft, four charges of criminal mischief, theft, and failure to identify from Farmer’s Branch, and charges from Richardson, Texas, for criminal mischief and theft. According to the sheriff, ICE immediately placed a detainer on him.

The question Sheriff Lemons asked in an interview with CR is: “Why did it take this manhunt in my county in order for this threat to be taken off the streets?”

The outstanding warrants stemmed from an arrest in Dallas County last March, Lemons told me. “Once he made bond last year, he was released without an ICE detainer being placed on him. The reason I was upset about it is because the man shouldn’t even have been in Clay County, if that ICE hold would have been placed on him once those charges were done. He should have been detained and held until the charges were completed and deported to El Salvador. This is ridiculous. We could not show any detainer ever being placed on him, and either way, he should never have been out on the streets. He has been in the country illegally since 2014 and is a member of the MS-13 street gang. We know that the neighborhood he grew up in El Salvador was predominantly controlled by MS-13.”

According to the sheriff, the manhunt was triggered when Dallas County “subsequently worked a case investigation which led to a warrant being issued for him for the same time for other offenses, and those were fresh warrants that had not been served at the time of his arrest.” The sheriff served all those warrants, and Guevera-Medrano is now being held on $250,000 bond. He has not posted bond yet, but the sheriff was very clear that he intends to honor the ICE detainer if he does post bond and transfer him to federal custody.

The sheriff said that ICE originally would not have known about this guy unless Dallas County had called and asked for a detainer. It’s important to note that while many counties, including Dallas, are not official sanctuaries to the degree that they will disregard ICE detainers (which is illegal in Texas after passage of SB4), they often fail to proactively seek out detainers and notify ICE.

The danger in cases of criminal aliens is that dangerous threats that could easily be eliminated are placed back on the streets once they post bond. There’s a limit to what can be done to hold Americans who post bond, but criminal aliens who post bond for criminal arrests should always be turned over to ICE and held for deportation. This ensures that there is no gap of coverage.

While it is true that ICE agents do see arrests entered into the National Crime Information Center (NCIC), they often miss first-time alien offenders, especially if they evaded Border Patrol at the border and slipped into the country without an encounter. With their fingerprints not on record, ICE has no way of knowing who they are.

Furthermore, criminal aliens are often coached to give false identities. If their fingerprints are already on record, ICE will be pinged and will try to reconcile the differences between the prints and the name, but if their fingerprints were never on record, the only way for ICE to know about the arrest if the locality is not proactive is if an ICE official was posted at the jail at that time.

As one ICE official told me, “Biometric information uploaded through NCIC is only as good as the data that accompanies it, and given the reality that persons may provide incorrect name and/or citizenship information to local jurisdictions upon arrest, it’s not uncommon for persons to elude detection in jurisdictions that restrict ICE’s access to interview persons in local criminal custody.” While sanctuary jurisdictions are particularly bad, the ICE official noted, without having the particular information on this case, that even other jurisdictions that apprehend aliens “who may only briefly be in local custody and are released prior to an ICE officer being able to interview them” can slip through the cracks.

Sherriff Lemon’s department certainly was proactive in notifying ICE. “Once ICE was notified by my agency, they had no problem putting a detainer on him, so this just leads you to believe that they possibly never knew this guy was in custody in Dallas last year,” he said. “We do things differently here. This guy can post all the bond he wants, but he’s not getting out … on the streets again until ICE picks him up or a court order to release him.”

This is the difference between a proactive local law enforcement agency and a sleeper sanctuary jurisdiction. Many major cities in this country will not actively notify ICE about what they consider to be “low-level crimes.” This is how so many illegal alien crimes go undocumented.

According to the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS), between June 1, 2011, and March 31, 2019, 189,000 illegal aliens were charged with more than 303,000 criminal offenses. That might sound like a lot, but in reality the true number of illegal aliens arrested for crimes in Texas is likely exponentially higher, because DPS only counts those whose fingerprints have a positive ID from DHS. Easily fewer than half of the criminal aliens encountered by Texas law enforcement have previously been in DHS custody, especially those caught for a first crime. Anyone who successfully evades capture at the border is not in the federal system, and the criminal elements tend to evade detection more often because they obviously don’t surrender at the border like the family units do.

According to Texas DPS, “These figures only count individuals who previously had an encounter with DHS that resulted in their fingerprints being entered into the DHS IDENT database. Foreign nationals who enter the country illegally and avoid detection by DHS, but are later arrested by local or state law enforcement for a state offense will not have a DHS response in regard to their lawful status and do not appear in these counts.”

All those who evaded capture and went on to commit their first crimes are not documented in the report, and often they are released to commit even more crimes before ICE even knows about it.

Even among those who are known, they have collectively racked up “arrests for 549 homicide charges; 33,449 assault charges; 5,836 burglary charges; 38,185 drug charges; 420 kidnapping charges; 16,229 theft charges; 24,126 obstructing police charges; 1,698 robbery charges; 3,570 sexual assault charges; 4,777 sexual offense charges; and 3,049 weapon charges.”

Sheriff Lemons is now concerned with the growth of transnational cartel and gang members in Texas and that rural areas will have to start dealing with what Dallas and Houston have long been confronted with on a daily basis.

“Most of our deputies are not equipped to deal with MS-13 gang members, so it’s very concerning that the border problems have now gotten to northern Texas.” (For more from the author of “How Weak Urban Cooperation With ICE Exposes Rural Areas to Criminal Aliens” please click HERE)

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What percentage of illegal aliens crossing the border are claiming asylum? Eighty percent? Fifty? That’s what you’d think from listening to the news and the politicians. But what if I told you it could be lower than ten percent?

The prevailing narrative about our border is that the surge in illegal immigration is dominated by Central American family units who instantly assert a “credible fear” of persecution and are immediately processed as asylum seekers and released into our interior with the faint hope that they will show up to a court hearing, where their claim will likely be turned down. While it is likely that the perception of bogus asylum claims as the key to obtaining release into our country is what motivated this wave originally, it appears that few of them are even asserting a bogus credible fear at all. Yet, we are still processing them as if they are legitimate asylees instead of immediately placing them into expedited removal, as required by law.

On Monday, Carl Landrum, deputy chief patrol agent of the Yuma Sector, released a surprising piece of information on Fox News that fundamentally upends the public perception at the border, a fact that would even surprise most in government. “Only six percent of the people crossing the border are expressing a credible fear and requesting asylum,” said Agent Landrum, regarding the Yuma Sector specifically.

Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has declined to answer my request for similar data for other border sectors.

Yuma is one of the sectors where we are seeing large family units from Central America cross almost daily. A whopping 24,198 individuals in family units have been apprehended in Yuma for the first six months of fiscal year 2019, up from 6,487 in FY 2018. Yuma is the third-hardest-hit sector, behind the Rio Grande Valley and El Paso sectors, so the fact that we have it from the deputy chief patrol agent that only six percent of overall apprehensions in that sector are even expressing a credible fear is earth-shattering and has disturbing ramifications.

This revelation means that our government has essentially vitiated the entire Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) and has declared a de facto open border. This is not just about the erroneous interpretation of asylum law. We are shredding every word of the INA and processing and releasing almost all of these people, even those who don’t express a credible fear, rather than immediately placing them in expedited deportation.

It’s true that more people will likely express a “credible fear” if we were to do that, but that assertion should be denied, starting a maximum seven-day clock for an appeal. Thereafter, they can be returned to expedited removal, and no immigration judge, much less an Article III judge, can get involved in any way. That is current law, and no new law can be written more emphatically than the one on the books.

The problem is that at this point, they are all being released, and that clock is never starting. Therefore, even if we track them down later on, they can always reassert their claim at that point and further delay deportation.

I first started to suspect that most of the families were not asserting a credible fear when I examined the USCIS credible fear caseload data for the first four months of the fiscal year. USCIS has received 35,310 credible fear cases for the first four months of this fiscal year. That is a high number, but that is roughly on pace for the same high baseline of FY 2018, when we hit nearly 100,000 cases. We are on pace for about 106,000 claims this year.

One would expect with our border numbers crushing those from last year that, if it’s being driven primarily by asylum requests of Central American families, the dockets would swell even over last year’s numbers. That is simply not the case. There’s been a 370 percent increase in family units for the first half of this fiscal year compared with the first half of FY 2018. The one caveat is that the USCIS credible fear caseload data for February and March, the two busiest months, has not yet been published, but based on what we see for the first four months, it’s clear that credible fear cases are in no way increasing commensurate to the increase of family units coming in.

Furthermore, data from Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) also confirms this trend. In an analysis titled, “Newly Arriving Families Not Main Reason for Immigration Court’s Growing Backlog,” TRAC asserts, “Since September, about one out of every four newly initiated filings recorded by the Immigration Court have been designated by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) as ‘family unit’ cases.” That is just 41,488 out of 174,628 cases. And that number is really inflated because, as noted by TRAC, “each parent and each child are separately counted as “court cases” even though many are likely to be heard together and resolved as one family unit.” They conclude that “recent family arrivals” comprise “just 4 percent of the current court’s 855,807 case backlog” as of February 28.

Even the liberal Syracuse University, which is clearly upset that the administration is not doing enough to grant bogus asylum claims, articulates the case I’ve made all along – that nothing in our laws compels this outcome.

Families arriving at the border do not automatically have the right to file for asylum in Immigration Court. Under existing laws, such families must pass a number of hurdles. First, those simply coming for better economic opportunity are subject to expedited removal by DHS – a purely administrative process that doesn’t require a decision by any judge. Simply expressing a “credible fear” of returning to their home county is also not sufficient. Each family must pass a credible fear or reasonable fear review. Those that do not pass this review do not have an opportunity to proceed and present their asylum claims. Again, such individuals are subject to expedited removal from the country.

So why is this administration not placing every single person who comes to the border into expedited removal? Even if they begin asserting the credible fear claims thereafter, those claims can be denied by Trump through his administrative officials without any review from the courts, and then they are placed back in expedited removal.

The only excuse the government has left is that it doesn’t have enough suitable facilities to hold the family units in order to comport with the Flores settlement. But the administration has had months to muster all of its logistical assets and diplomatic prowess with Guatemala and Honduras to begin an airlift to Central America for expedited removal.

Let’s put aside those already released as water under the bridge for the time being. Declaring expedited removal for the next wave of illegal immigrants will send an immediate message to those farther down the pipeline that catch-and-release is over. It would be worth clearing out all the facilities (which they are doing anyway) in order to hold just the next group for the week or so needed for removal. There is no reason why this should take more than 20 days.

Moreover, the president can nullify the Flores settlement, which in itself is a violation of law requiring us to detain these people (8 U.S. Code § 1225(B)(iii)(IV)) and write a new procedure for detaining family units together. The DHS published such a proposal on September 7, 2018, but for whatever reason has never promulgated it.

The laws aren’t the problem. They are, in fact, the solution. This is not about asylum, because most aren’t currently asserting it. Nor is this about asylum law, which was written to prevent this very outcome. This is about the abolishing of our laws and borders. (For more from the author of “Bombshell From a Top Border Agent Reveals Huge Asylum Issue” please click HERE)

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