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3 Reasons Why Larry Summers’ Misleading Attack on Trump’s Tax Plan Doesn’t Add Up

In an op-ed in the Financial Times, former Clinton Treasury secretary Larry Summers claims that Trump’s tax plans favor the rich anIn an op-ed in the Financial Times, former Clinton Treasury secretary Larry Summers claims that Trump’s tax plans favor the rich and will hamper economic growth.d will hamper economic growth. Summers, a liberal economist, simply recycles the typical progressive rhetoric that any tax cut — ever — adds to the debt, favors the rich, and will fail to encourage economic growth. He’s wrong, and here’s why.

1. Congress determines tax policy, not the president

Summers’ attempt to demagogue the Trump tax plan and imbue fear into the populace is exaggerated. In fact, if tax reform happens, it’s unlikely to look exactly like the proposal offered by Trump. After all, the president doesn’t determine tax policy — Congress does.

For example, look back at the Bush tax cuts. By comparison, the proposed cuts were smaller and less aggressive than what Trump’s proposing. Yet Bush still wasn’t able to convince Congress to agree to the very tax reform plan he ran on during his campaign.

As the GOP nominee in 2000, Bush proposed reducing the top marginal tax rate from 39.6 percent to 33 percent. Bush also proposed offering the charitable tax deduction as a non-itemized deduction that would have allowed most low- and middle-income families to deduct charitable donations. (Charitable deductions are offered only to those who itemize their taxes, which is usually a tax decision that is utilized by upper- and middle-income families.)

Instead of lowering the top marginal rate to 33 percent, Congress lowered it to 35 percent, and it never passed the charitable deduction measure. Additionally, the tax cuts included provisions never offered by Bush on the campaign trail, including a reduction in capital gains and dividend taxes.

Summers knows that Trump’s tax plan is merely an ideological blueprint for Congress to follow — a mandate to implement a large tax cut. However, the exact provisions and the overall size of the tax cut must accommodate the wishes of Congress, too.

2. Tax cuts strengthen and grow the economy, not weaken it

Summers follows up with yet more typical, liberal talking points:

The proposals from the presidential campaign … will massively favour the top 1 percent of income earners, threaten an explosive rise in federal debt, complicate the tax code and do little if anything to spur growth.

There’s one big problem with this statement: It reeks of hypocrisy. Summers can complain all he wants about tax cuts, but that doesn’t change the fact that as President Obama’s economic adviser, Summers was responsible for facilitating a massive stimulus program in 2009, which included $211 billion in tax cuts.

Also, since when has a liberal worried about the debt? Summers oversaw Obama’s economic policies that added $9.3 trillion to the debt — more than the combined debts of the previous 43 presidents.

Furthermore, Summers’ narrative contradicts economic studies published by other mainstream liberal economists. For example, Obama’s first chief economic adviser, Dr. Christina Romer, published an academic paper, which found a positive correlation between tax cuts and “very large and persistent positive output effects.”

The prevailing view that people know how to allocate capital in an economy — i.e., handle their own money — better than the government is shared by more than just academics. In fact, the most famous Democrat of the 20th century, John F. Kennedy, was a constant champion of tax reductions to grow the economy.

Economist Larry Kudlow writes in RealClearPolitics.com, “Fifty-four years ago, at The Economic Club of New York, President John F. Kennedy unveiled a dramatic tax cut plan to revive the long-stagnant U.S. economy.” Quoting from Kennedy’s speech, “In short, it is a paradoxical truth that tax rates are too high today and tax revenues too low, and the soundest way to raise revenues in the long run is to cut rates now.”

As a result, the economy under Kennedy’s tax cuts grew by roughly five percent yearly for nearly eight years. That’s quite the contrast with tax-hike champion, Obama, whose economic growth has averaged 2.1 percent, the fourth lowest since World War II.

3. Upper-income households bear the largest tax burden, not the lower-middle class

Finally, there is the simple intellectual argument about who receives tax cuts. First, tax cut debates are often constructed with the entire tax code in mind. Yet, when Washington talks about tax reform, they are often only focused on one section of the tax code: income taxes.

After all, payroll taxes, which most people pay, provide a dedicated stream of revenue designated for very specific retirement benefits, like Social Security and Medicare. The amount paid in, which is associated with a person’s lifetime salary, is partially correlated to the benefits a person will receive in the future.

But there is little interest in Washington to manipulate the payroll tax. Instead, the debate over tax reform mostly deals with the individual income tax, as well as corporate tax.

Therefore, any tax cut combined with comprehensive tax reform will intrinsically benefit upper-income families. That’s because those individuals — making more than $265,000 per year — pay 88 percent of all federal income taxes. Yet individuals making less than $47,400 don’t pay any federal income tax. In fact, they have a negative tax liability, meaning after accounting for refundable tax credits and deductions, these individuals receive more from the government than they pay in income taxes.

Therefore, Summers knows that any tax cut will simply tax less from the people who make more than $70,000, or in other words, those who pay the bulk of the income taxes. After all, it’s hard to cut income taxes for those far below that average income level since they don’t pay much federal income tax to begin with. In fact, this point only re-enforces the need for tax reform — and tax cuts.

In total, the government is expected to raise $3.421 trillion in taxes in 2017. Of that amount, $1.667 trillion comes from the income tax — nearly 50 percent of all revenues. The individual income tax is the main source of revenue for funding the normal operations of government; the rest is dedicated to specific programs (except for corporate taxes, which are relatively small at $284 billion). Yet the burden of funding our democratic government is increasingly being pushed onto fewer and fewer people.

The message outlined by Summers is nothing new from a liberal ideologue. Summers’ rhetoric is not only misleading, but it is also antithetical to the more important debate. As he acknowledges in his piece, tax reforms:

[C]ould help offset the dramatic increases in inequality that have taken place over a generation, repair a business tax system that globalization has rendered dysfunctional, reduces uncertainty and promote growth.

But the debate must first start with proposals. Summers may not like Trump’s conservative, pro-limited government tax proposal, but the merits of Trump’s plan should be fairly and equally debated so that beneficial compromise or legitimate changes to the plan can materialize. But the skewed commentary in Summers’ op-ed is designed to stymie the discussion — a political vendetta to accomplish nothing but to deliver a loss to Trump and the American people.

The U.S. can’t wait any longer for tax reform; the evidence of the benefits offered are clear. Instead of scoring political points, Summers should join the conversation as an intellectual and help propel tax reform for all Americans. (For more from the author of “3 Reasons Why Larry Summers’ Misleading Attack on Trump’s Tax Plan Doesn’t Add Up” please click HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

That Japanese Investment Money Trump Announced Today? Turns out It’s from Saudi Arabia!

On Tuesday afternoon, President-elect Donald Trump excitedly announced that telecommunications giant SoftBank Group has pledged to invest $50 billion in the U.S. and create 50,000 new jobs.

Of course, Trump made sure to give credit where credit was due.

The deal sounds great on the surface. After all, who could possibly argue with a $50 billion infusion and 50,000 jobs gained in the U.S. economy?

Now, what if you were told that the money was actually coming from the government of Saudi Arabia?

Here’s what Trump left out of his grand announcement:

According to the Wall Street Journal, the majority of the investment will come from a $100 billion investment fund that SoftBank set up in partnership with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi Arabia Public Investment Fund, which is controlled by the Saudi royal family, is the fund’s lead partner, the report added. This means that most of the money Mr. Son is going to invest in America is actually coming straight from Riyadh, and not through his Japan-based conglomerate.

The fund is overseen by Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz. Notably, the Saudi royal, who is the most powerful member of the family (outside the king himself), made sure to congratulate Trump on his election victory in November.

While on the campaign trail, Donald Trump rightfully demanded that Hillary Clinton return the investments the Clinton Foundation received from Saudi Arabia and other foreign governments.

“Hillary wrote that the governments of Qatar and Saudi Arabia are ‘providing clandestine and financial and logistical support to ISIL.’ Yet, in that same year, Bill and Hillary accepted a check from Saudi Arabia,” Trump said. “I think she should give back the $25 to $35 million she’s taken from Saudi Arabia. And she should give it back fast.”

Trump again castigated Clinton in June for taking money from the oil-rich kingdom.

“Saudi Arabia and many of the countries that gave vast amounts of money to the Clinton Foundation want women as slaves and to kill gays. Hillary must return all money from such countries!” Trump said on Facebook.

Saudi Arabia is a strict Islamic fundamentalist society. The country does not protect the unalienable human rights of its citizens. Women are forced to wear burkas, and are not allowed to travel freely without a male guardian. No religion other than Islam is recognized by the state, and apostates and atheists are often sentenced to death.

The United States and Saudi Arabia have almost zero shared values. The Washington, D.C. foreign policy establishment wants to preserve the monarchy there, but only to ensure that the unknown (e.g. a nefarious terrorist group) does not acquire control over the oil-rich territory.

The Saudis have utilized the wealth of their massive oil revenues to pursue influence operations in foreign countries, such as the U.S. Studies have shown that Riyadh’s campaigns to infiltrate American institutions, such as the media, academia, and Big Business, has had success in shaping a more pro-Saudi policy. The coming $50 billion Saudi-Japanese infusion into America will undoubtedly come with plenty of strings attached.

For the entirety of Trump’s presidential campaign, he forwarded a nationalist vision of putting American interests first — impervious to foreign and outside influences. And his “America first” messages garnered him a fiercely loyal following. Now that Donald Trump is the president-elect, he appears ready to abandon America’s interests for some decent publicity, betraying his electoral platform and base along the way. (For more from the author of “That Japanese Investment Money Trump Announced Today? Turns out It’s from Saudi Arabia!” please click HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

Trump’s Treasury Nominee Already Has a New Idea to Reduce the Debt

President-elect Donald Trump’s cabinet is taking shape. He has locked down his picks for attorney general, departments of Treasury, Education, Health and Human Services, Commerce, and Transportation.

So far, most of the names submitted are familiar in the political world, but one is not: Steven Mnuchin, Trump’s pick for Treasury secretary.

Mnuchin is better known among America’s financiers and investment bankers because he spent 17 years as a partner at Goldman Sachs. He is also known in Hollywood, where his firm, RatPac-Dune Entertainment, produced films like the “X-Men” and “Avatar.”

When it comes to public policy, Mnuchin has no real experience. In fact, The New York Times dubbed Mnuchin a true, “Outsider to Public Policy.” His policy suggestions so far appear to mirror talking points from the Trump campaign: He opposes the Dodd-Frank financial regulation bill, he regrets the lack of punishment for Wall Street titans post crisis, and he wants to help facilitate a large, new tax cut.

Yet, Mnuchin recently branched out with a policy proposal of his own to curb U.S. debt. The proposal recommends a review of Treasury maturities to determine whether ultra-long-term treasuries should be added to debt security options. A Treasury maturity is the timeline for a debt to remain outstanding, after which the security expires. For example, U.S. government securities are currently sold to the public with maturities of between 30 days (Treasury bills) and 30 years (Treasury bonds).

But Mnuchin would like to explore adding 50- or 100-year bonds. Why would he propose such an option to deal with the debt? Well, it really has everything to do with today’s low interest rates. Here’s why:

This year (fiscal year 2017), the government will run a deficit of $590 billion. To cover the deficit, the government will need to borrow money by selling its debt. However, the government will actually have to borrow far more — enough money to cover “rollover” maturing debt. That means the government has to take on new debt to cover the old debt that is effectively expiring.

So, instead of ‘just’ $590 billion in new debt, the U.S. government will also have to borrow about $3.3 trillion to pay off the old maturing debts. That means the government will need borrow almost $4 trillion this year alone!

Although the government offers Treasury securities with many different maturities, historically, the government borrows long-term debt i.e., securities with maturities of more than 10 years. However, this trend significantly shifted toward short-term U.S. debt under the Clinton administration.

This was done to save money since short-term treasuries offer a lower yield than say the 30-year bonds. Long-term U.S. debt usually pays a percentage or two more in interest payments than short-term debt. This is mostly to cover implicit risks. First, there is greater risk that a debtor will fail to make payments over 30 years, then say, five years. In addition, the higher interest rate on long-term debt helps cushion future inflation that would reduce the value of those interest payments to the lender. Therefore, short-term debt allows the government to borrow more money at a cheaper cost but not without serious risks.

First, since short-term debt needs to be “rolled over” more frequently, it subjects that new debt to the fluctuation of immediate interest rates. Short-term debt may be insanely cheap for the government, with less than a few percentage points of interest payments. But that’s today. There is no guarantee the government will have the same luxury a year or two from now. Yet on the other hand, 30-year bonds have a fixed interest rate over the course of three decades, which is particularly attractive right now since rates are historically low — even for longer-term debt.

John Cochrane, economist at Stanford’s Hoover Institution, points out the troubling scenarios for short-term securities if interest rates return to “normal” levels. He writes,

Here’s the nightmare scenario: Suppose that four years from now, interest rates rise 5 percent, i.e. back to normal, and the US has $20 trillion outstanding. Interest costs alone will rise $1 trillion (5% of $20 trillion) — doubling already unsustainable deficits! This is what happened to Italy, Spain, and Portugal. Don’t think it can’t happen to us.

These short-term securities cause “rollover risk.” Since the U.S. government is in the business of issuing a lot of debt that is short-term, outstanding for only two, three, five, or seven years, then we have to hope that the world remains interested in continuing to purchase U.S. treasuries — and often. At present, the current maturity rate is 68 months, or less than six years. According to Cochrane, the government rolls over about half its debt every two years — or all of the $20 trillion in debt every half-decade.

This could lead to a partial default on our debt in the event we can’t find enough buyers in those short timeframes (unless, of course, the Federal Reserve steps in to purchase unwanted securities with printed dollars – a dangerous tactic in itself). And, because interest rates on short-term debt are so low, lenders (i.e., anyone who wishes to invest in government debt) become skittish in their willingness to continue to loan money to the U.S. government, as it continues to rack up records amount of debt.

If there aren’t enough investors to continue to buy our debt, America is deep trouble.

Countries like Belgium, Canada, France, and the United Kingdom have issued debt with maturities of 100 years. So why hasn’t the U.S.? Part of the reason has to do with market needs and liquidity demands in the economy. But, politically speaking, it has much to do with the government’s wishes to spend as recklessly and cheaply as possible.

For example, since long-term debt has higher interest rates than short-term debt, converting all the short-term debt currently outstanding into long-term would increase the near-term interest costs by about $277 billion, according to Cochrane. Yet, it could save billions — if not trillions — of dollars over the long-term if interest rates return to normal levels. In addition, locking in long-term debt helps insure against rollover risk.

There are some valid reasons for issuing short-term debt, yet, there is merit to the idea of locking in trillions of dollars of debt into low interest rates for the long-term. Mnuchin’s idea is intriguing and certainly deserves consideration. And, it’s noteworthy that it’s not a mainstream political idea. After all, near-term spending that is issued with debt-bearing higher interest rates (as would be the case by issuing 50- or 100-years bonds) will certainly make Washington’s spending spree a little more difficult to swallow.

Although the idea of issuing long-term debt is an interesting concept, Mnuchin also must advocate for less debt in general. Regardless of his wishes to implement new debt management techniques, unless our debt is reduced, the U.S. is headed toward a fiscal crisis. We must not forget that no matter what, the taxpayers of this country must repay all of this debt some day. At present, it will cost more than $160,000 per household.

Now, that’s a debt problem. (For more from the author of “Trump’s Treasury Nominee Already Has a New Idea to Reduce the Debt” HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

Carrier and the Slippery Slope

The reaction to Trump’s deal to keep 1,100 Carrier jobs in Indiana has ranged from outrage to adoration. There are so many layers to this Shakespearean drama that all points of views have some level of credence. I’m torn between the positive and negative aspects of this deal. If you’ve read Bastiat’s The Law and Hazlitt’s Economics in One Lesson, you understand the fallacies involved when government interferes in the free market. Politicians and their fanboys always concentrate on the seen aspects of government intervention, but purposely ignore the unseen consequences.

First, I wholeheartedly agree with Scott Adams’ assessment of Trump’s move as a brilliant, visible, memorable, newsworthy ploy to sway public opinion and sending a message to corporate America that he means business. Trump beat Carrier like a rented mule during the entire presidential campaign for announcing they were closing their plant in Indiana and moving the jobs to a new plant in Mexico. The publicity was so bad, I ended up getting a substantial rebate when I had a Carrier air conditioner installed in the Spring.

I’ve seen Trump worshipers trying to show what a fantastic economic deal this was for Indiana and the country. They are only looking at the scenario of staying versus leaving. The other scenario is what exists today versus what will exist tomorrow. Those 1,100 jobs already exist in Indiana. They are already paying taxes and spending money in Indiana. The taxpayers of Indiana currently have no obligation to Carrier or the employees of Carrier. With this new “fantastic” deal, the employees of Carrier are still employed, but now the the taxpayers of Indiana now have a $7 million obligation to Carrier.

This isn’t a zero sum game. The $7 million is taken from the pockets of taxpayers and will not be spent in the greater economy of Indiana. This deal is absolutely a net loss for Indiana versus where they were before the deal. The people of this country are hypocritical when it comes to keeping jobs in the U.S. They want cheap electronics, gadgets, appliances and air conditioners. Therefore, they have been buying cheap foreign made products by the trillions for the last couple decades.

Carrier was moving to Mexico for the low labor and regulatory costs. This would have allowed them to sell the air conditioners made in Mexico at a lower price than if they are made in Indiana. Therefore, the consumers of these products would have spent less money on the air conditioners, leaving excess funds to spend on other products. The purchasers of Carrier air conditioners are not benefiting from this deal. (Read more from “Carrier and the Slippery Slope” HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

New York Mayor Promises City Will Pay for Abortions If Planned Parenthood Loses Federal Funding

In a speech that criticized President-elect Donald Trump on Monday, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio vowed to make sure the city would pay for women to abortions in the event that Planned Parenthood is defunded.

In one of several defiant responses to Trump’s developing domestic policy, de Blasio said, “If there are threats to federal funding for Planned Parenthood in New York City, we will ensure women receive health care they need.”

Later, the mayor tweeted, “I want to be clear: If GOP threatens federal funding for Planned Parenthood of NYC, we will ensure women receive the healthcare they need.”

But as The Resurgent reported, “If the feds cut the funding, New York’s mayor says they’ll cover the costs. That means they have the money and there is no reason for federal funding to be kept.”

Responses to de Blasio’s tweet flooded social media. Many concluded that if federal tax funding for Planned Parenthood is not needed, the abortion giant should be defunded. (Read more from “New York Mayor Promises City Will Pay for Abortions If Planned Parenthood Loses Federal Funding” HERE)

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From Refugees to the Iran Deal: Will Congress Get Its Act Together Under President Trump?

For the latest evidence of the price the American people have paid for a feckless Republican Congress, look no further than the impunity with which the Obama administration is acting in a direct rebuke to the American people on one of the core national security concerns of our time.

Or was one of the central themes of the presidential election that Barack Obama’s party just lost not the need to assert American sovereignty and our national interest first by at least pausing immigration from jihadist hotspots?

Alas, it is only fitting that the swan song of this administration reads as follows: “Bring us your tired, your poor, your unvetted refugees.”

The news to which I am referring comes from a Fox report that the U.S. State Department has classified details on a deal the Obama administration cut with Australia resulting in the resettlement of approximately 2,500 refugees to the U.S. from countries such as Iran, Afghanistan and Iraq, among other Islamic supremacist-majority nations — refugees rejected by the Australians themselves.

There is the usual outrage around this deal, including the fact that the president has never articulated why it is in America’s national interest to import refugees from Islamic supremacist nations at a time when Islamic supremacists tell us they wish to infiltrate by embedding among such peoples. And what about the fact that our FBI director said we were incapable of vetting such refugees? Likewise, the Obama administration has remained mum rather than demanding that other Islamic nations take responsibility for absorbing such refugees given similarity in culture, the relative logistical ease with which such actions could be taken, financial wherewithal. Fundamentally, the Obama administration continues to show compassion for non-Americans over and above those who elected him.

A theme I raised in a recent piece in opposition to the choice of Senate Foreign Relations Cmte Chair Bob Corker, R-Tenn. (F, 45%) for secretary of state in President-elect Trump’s administration recurs in this story well, further reflecting the damage Sen. Corker has wrought and why he ought not to reach Foggy Bottom.

In a letter on the matter addressed to DHS Secretary Jeh Johnson and Secretary of State John Kerry, Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa. (D, 66%) and Rep. Bob Goodlatte, R-Va. (D, 64%) wrote “This situation is concerning for many reasons,” continuing “your departments negotiated an international agreement regarding refugees without consulting or notifying Congress.”

The very Senate treaty ratification power that readers will recall Sen. Corker turned on its head in the Iran Deal, essentially conceding the Senate’s check on the president’s seminal disastrous piece of foreign policy, is what the president relied on to negotiate this secret agreement. This follows the president’s neglect of the senate with respect to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

What fear should a president have when Congress fails to adequately use its oversight powers, powers of the purse, advice and consent and impeachment powers in the face of a rampantly lawless agenda?

A President Donald Trump is going to have to clean up President Obama’s numerous messes, and at every turn face a Democratic minority that unlike Republicans in the Obama years will have no fear of using every parliamentary and political trick and maneuver to thwart policy they do not like and corrupt that which they cannot stop.

But he is also going to have to deal with a Republican Congress that has shown itself to be lacking in spine for the last eight years.

The reassertion of Congressional power during the Trump years will certainly be a welcome thing.

Let us hope however that it is not so one-sided as to allow President Obama’s most disastrous actions to substantially survive. (For more from the author of “From Refugees to the Iran Deal: Will Congress Get Its Act Together Under President Trump?” please click HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

Can Donald Trump and Betsy DeVos Really End Common Core?

On the campaign trail, President-elect Donald Trump made big promises about getting rid of Common Core. “We’re going to end Common Core, we’re going to have education an absolute priority,” he said in a campaign video.

Upon being nominated secretary of the Department of Education, Betsy DeVos made clear her stance against the national education standards. “I am not a supporter—period,” she wrote.

But what can Trump and DeVos really do to dismantle the national education standards? The Daily Signal explains. (For more from the author of “Can Donald Trump and Betsy DeVos Really End Common Core?” please click HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

What Donald Trump Could Really Do for America’s Working Class

Since as a winning candidate Donald Trump made a powerful symbol of the impending 1,000 lost jobs at Carrier Air Conditioning, it was inevitable that he would intervene in that business. It would have been politically foolish not to — and as the many savvy professionals whom he crushed in 2016 now should realize, Trump is nobody’s fool. So we learned this week that he has indeed used the many levers at an incoming president’s disposal to strong-arm/sweet-talk the company into saving those jobs for Americans, and denying them to Mexicans.

My first book was on the merits of the free market and free trade, but when I watched the footage of Carrier workers learning last year that their jobs were on the chopping block, I got teary-eyed myself and found my heart saying (despite my head) that Trump should indeed violate economic logic and engage in big government meddling, to “do something” for those workers — as Ronald Reagan once intervened against his principles to use a tariff to “save” Harley-Davidson from Japanese competitors.

Protectionism: Patriotic But Self-Defeating

There’s a strong rational case against protectionism — especially of the kind Trump engaged in here. The most benign form of protectionism, as free market economist Wilhelm Röpke explained, is a simple tariff. A small or medium tariff indeed distorts the market and imposes some inefficiency, but not necessarily more than any other form of tax. If imposed with advance notice and kept at predictable levels, businessmen and investors can simply figure it in to the cost of doing business — as they currently do the cost of environmental regulations.

What Trump did with Carrier is an order of magnitude worse: He singled out a particular company, and got the federal government down into the nuts and bolts of how it does business, threatening its corporate parent with lost federal contracts unless it made a specific decision — namely, avoid opening a factory in Mexico, and keep one open in the U.S. That is more than “leveling the playing field” against supposedly unfair foreign competition. It is picking winners and losers, like a umpire who has been bribed.

If the president gets in the business of directly trying to decide how every major manufacturing company in America makes such decisions, he is abandoning the free market altogether. Like Franklin Roosevelt, he is making himself effectively a board member of each of those companies. That starts a vicious cycle. Soon companies catch on that by threatening to move their factories abroad, they can provoke a presidential reaction — that pretty soon, the feds will move in and start offering tax breaks and other incentives, maybe extra federal contracts if they stay on American soil. Think of the squalid hog-slopping that happens when cities bid for the Olympics, or the bidding wars provoked by movie producers hungry for subsidies, and sports franchises who want new stadiums at taxpayer expense.

Making America Like the Post Office or Amtrak

All of this political meddling is profoundly wasteful, as the rotting hulks of Olympic complexes (and massive resulting deficits) testify all around the world. Such crony capitalism tends to benefit not productive and innovative companies, but those which are skilled at lobbying and greasing politicians’ palms. The more any business relies on federal help, the closer it becomes not to Southwest Airlines or Fedex, but to Amtrak and the Post Office. Is that really the way to make our companies profitable and high-paying? One of the most compelling reasons why the British voted for Brexit was to escape the micromanagement of the economy imposed by the wannabe federal government of the European Union.

Add up all those objections to protectionism, and then factor in how it raises the prices of ordinary goods for ordinary consumers, and you see why conservatives generally oppose it.

And yet, we need to look out for hard-pressed ordinary workers — the kind of people whose businesses don’t get bailed out by the U.S. federal government, as enormous Wall Street banks were after their reckless run of irresponsible investments in shaky mortgages, which crashed in 2008. Steve Bannon is right to observe that this bailout — conducted almost at gunpoint, under the threat of a “Great Depression” — was a corrupt transfer of wealth from the little guy to the “1 percenters,” which violated every tenet of free market economics and simple justice.

It is healthy that we feel some solidarity with blue collar workers simply because they’re fellow Americans — whose ancestors fought in our wars, and who still disproportionately enlist in our country’s armed services. (Long gone are the days when young men from elite schools routinely signed up for at least four years — though some Southerners still do.) The impulse to choose to “buy American” stems from the virtue of patriotism.

A Real Pro-Worker Agenda

We can be patriotic but smart. We can look out for U.S. workers without turning them into postal workers. (My dad was a mailman; as he told it, when two windows are open in a post office with a long line waiting, that means five workers sit idle, flipping through copies of Playboy they’ve stolen from the mail.) Here is a list of measures which a President Trump could take instead of Putin-style palm-greasing and browbeating to interfere with companies’ rational economic decisions. These steps would be populist in the positive sense, since they benefit the people.

Secure our country’s borders and workplaces by building a wall and making E-Verify mandatory for every business with more than five workers. Americans shouldn’t have to compete with unregulated, exploited laborers who can be threatened with deportation by their employers.

Drastically cut low-skill legal immigration, and the resettlement of refugees from distant countries. Some jobs are simply doomed to migrate overseas. But there’s no reason to fill the entry-level and low-skill jobs that can’t be outsourced with recent arrivals from other countries. Fixing immigration by itself would reduce most of the pressure on less-skilled American workers’ wages.

Cut our corporate tax rates, which are currently among the highest in the world. Stop granting tax breaks to individual companies (like Carrier) and grant them to … every company doing business in the U.S.

Greatly increase the per-child tax deduction for families, who are struggling under the regressive Social Security tax.

Promote school choice not by creating vouchers, which would give federal bureaucrats control over even private, Christian schools. Instead, create large and refundable tax credits which parents could use for tuition at any school — including home schools.

In one “grand bargain” piece of legislation, dismantle the labyrinth of regulations imposed after 2008 on banks to prevent them from failing, and use anti-trust laws to break up enormous banks that can threaten the whole economy with their reckless investments. Any bank that’s “too big to fail” is too big to exist — and the proliferation of such banks offers a perfect excuse for massive government meddling in that sector of the economy.

Reverse Richard Nixon’s massive blunder, and as George Gilder recommends, recouple U.S. currency to the price of gold. America’s post-war boom took place on a modified gold standard, and 1970s stagflation resulted when we abandoned it. Some link to an external commodity in limited supply in the real world would stop the Federal Reserve from massively inflating the money supply every time an incumbent president wanted to win an election — and sparking a mindless “boom” of wasteful investments in pointless dotcom startups and dodgy real estate boondoggles.

Each of these ideas is Constitutional, populist and economically sound. A Trump administration could stick up for blue-collar workers and middle-class families without descending intp cronyism and corporatism. It just takes imagination and political courage. (For more from the author of “What Donald Trump Could Really Do for America’s Working Class” please click HERE)

Follow Joe Miller on Twitter HERE and Facebook HERE.

Trump and the Media: Star-Crossed Lovers

Remember back in those first Republican presidential debates when Donald Trump would seemingly mess with Jeb Bush and Rand Paul just because he thought it was fun?

Right from the start, he was marking his territory like some kind of feral dog. He smelled weakness, and off he went — straight to the White House.

Now that he’s there, don’t expect this old dog to suddenly learn new tricks. Why would he? The old tricks are working. This is a man who invented an alter ego named John Barron just so he could mess with reporters’ minds. Which I know is a pretty low bar, considering how messed up many of those minds already are.

Journalism has been trolling the American public for decades now with its fake news and elitist contempt, but now it has met its match. Trump has seen its malarkey and raised it. And like double-down addicts who always think the next hand of poker will set them free, progressive journalism is almost certainly about to bankrupt itself of whatever shred of integrity it had left.

In fact, Trump is counting on it.

Amidst making cabinet selections that ultimately haven’t looked too different from what Jeb himself would have selected, Trump yelled “squirrel” in the form of sharing his opinion on flag burning earlier this week.

Off to the races we went.

Ironically, the chattering class took a break from demanding Draconian limits be placed on Christian speech and expression to offer an ode to the First Amendment. Which took Trump right where he wanted to go. Otherwise known as his happy place, where he holds court on Twitter with barely trained seals.

The great prophet Snoop Dog had it right: Hate the game, not the player. Trump is just the dealer here, and you’re not a dealer if there’s no one to deal to. It’s not his fault the mainstream media have all the self-control of a meth addict.

For all the stress Trump put his messaging team through during the campaign, this is an amusement park for him now that he has won and in governing mode. He gets to call all the shots with the biggest bully pulpit on the planet. Just wind up that jack-in-the-box that is the artist formerly known as journalism, and watch it annoyingly pop again and again and again.

He will watch amused as various members of the press write column after dutiful column about their vital watchdog role, during what they believe to be the most dangerous presidency of our lifetime. Meanwhile, Trump will smile a yuge smile, because he knows he has them right where he wants them. They simply have no idea what is happening to them.

This goes way beyond flag burning and midnight Tweet binges. For example, Trump has announced his own multi-billion-dollar version of the New Deal as part of his strategy to Make America Great Again. With this week’s crony capitalist deal with Carrier being the opening salvo on that front.

So while he’s got the discredited media birthing cows on television defending flag-burning-America-haters, Trump was in Indiana celebrating 1,000 jobs he “saved” before he’s even sworn in. Exactly the side-by-side “America First” comparison Team Trump is looking for. Because Team Trump understands as leery as people may be about a Trump presidency, they hate the media even more.

Even though they bring out the worst in the other, Trump and the media need each other like we need oxygen to breathe. They’re like the stereotypical binging rock star and his junkie groupie, who can’t stay away from each other. But when they hook up, it always ends up with both of them naked in a seedy hotel with full ash trays, dirty needles, and half-drank liquor bottles everywhere. He always wakes up before her and sneaks out, leaving her to clean up the mess.

And given the fact Trump is about to be inaugurated while the media implode, it’s pretty obvious who’s who in this analogy. (For more from the author of “Trump and the Media: Star-Crossed Lovers” please click HERE)

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The Trump Administration Should Crack Down on Silly Rules That Carry Criminal Penalties

President-elect Donald Trump’s “Contract with the American Voter” pledges that “for every new federal regulation, two existing regulations must be eliminated.”

This should be celebrated by the majority of Americans who think the federal government does too much.

At the outset of this regulatory unwinding, one potential priority stands out above the others. The Trump administration should review the 300,000 or more federal regulations that carry criminal penalties with the goal of amending them to carry only noncriminal sanctions—or otherwise, repeal them altogether.

Over a century ago, the Supreme Court decided that Congress may set a criminal penalty “for violations of regulations to be made by an executive officer.” (United States v. Grimaud (1911)). Since then, writes former U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese III, the “Congress has delegated to a host of federal agencies the power to define by regulation the elements of a broad range of different criminal laws.”

Today, these regulations number over 300,000. They are published in the bowels of the federal register—the place where few people outside of law firms and major corporations look to find laws—and are often drafted in ambiguous and often hyper-technical language that can’t be understood.

One might assume that if a regulation is serious enough for violators to be subject to criminal prosecution, it would be designed to prohibit conduct that is seriously harmful and morally condemnable. But this is often not the case.

For example, no one worries when they leave their house at night that a dog might bark at a squirrel. Most people don’t even pretend that they could prevent all dogs from barking. Yet it is a federal crime to allow a pet to make a noise that scares wildlife within a national park.

Nobody fears a local ice cream store might put a few too many drops of wine into a wine sorbet for sale. But that is also a federal crime punishable by up to one year in jail and fines of up to $1,000.

Consider John Sturgeon’s story as told by Heritage Foundation scholar Paul Larkin:

For more than 15 years, John Sturgeon used a hovercraft to reach moose-hunting grounds in Alaska without any incident or objection. Then, one day in 2007, two National Park Service rangers told Sturgeon that he was on federal property and hovercraft were illegal.

What followed this was almost a decade of costly litigation that concerned “federal criminal regulations no one knows (riding a hovercraft is prohibited) in places where no one lives (Alaskan backcountry).”

With little to no input from or accountability to voters, bureaucrats have run amok with the power to create new crimes.

One account on the Twitter social media platform titled “A Crime a Day” features plenty more federal criminal regulations that deserve scrutiny from any administration that is intent on reducing the size, scope, and power of the administrative state. These include:

Making it a crime to sell mixed nuts if the nuts pictured on the label aren’t in decreasing weight order (21 USC §333 & 21 CFR §164.110(f)).

Making it a federal crime to let small cigars leave the cigar factory unless they’re labeled “small” or “little” (26 USC §5762 & 27 CFR §41.73).

Making it a crime for amateur radio operators to sell amateur radio equipment, and using amateur radio too often (47 USC §502 & 47 CFR §97.113).

Making it a federal crime for the operator of a wharf to let his longshoremen use common drinking cups (33 USC §941(f) & 29 CFR §1918.95(b)(3)).

As these provisions convey, there are key differences between regulations and criminal statutes that must not be overlooked.

John Malcolm, director of The Heritage Foundation’s Edwin Meese III Center for Legal and Judicial Studies, has previously written:

Criminal laws are meant to enforce a commonly accepted moral code backed by the full force and authority of the government. Regulations, on the other hand, are meant to establish rules of the road in a variety of areas designed to curb excesses and to address consequences in a complex, rapidly evolving, highly industrialized society, with penalties attached for violations of those rules.

Allowing bureaucrats to enforce policy agendas with criminal penalties, and thus to create crimes that neither Congress nor the public likely ever imagined or intended, can have serious consequences. Malcolm continues:

While people often debate whether our society is overregulated, regardless of one’s views on that subject, it is important to recognize that there is a significant difference between regulations that carry civil or administrative penalties for violations and regulations that carry criminal penalties for violations. Individuals caught up in the latter may find themselves deprived of their liberty and stripped of their right to vote, to sit on a jury, and to possess a firearm, among other penalties that simply do not apply when someone violates a regulation that carries only civil or administrative penalties.

Experience shows that swift and certain civil sanctions are enough for agencies to deter and punish misconduct. In fact, even these are sometimes too severe.

Consider the example of Andy Johnson, a Wyoming welder. The Environmental Protection Agency fined him $16 million—$37,500 a day—for constructing a stock pond on his private 8-acre farm. Johnson described these penalties as “very threatening.”

Heritage scholars James Gattuso and Diane Katz report that the Obama administration “is responsible for an unparalleled expansion of the regulatory state, with the imposition of 229 major regulations since 2009 at a cost of $108 billion annually.”

Many regulations from previous administrations can and should be reviewed by a new administration seeking meaningful deregulation.

Yet “many of the worst effects” of overregulation, write Gattuso and Katz, such as “the loss of freedom and opportunity,” are greatest where violating an arcane regulation can be met with jail time, criminal fines, and all of the consequences that come with criminal prosecution and conviction.

So long as the Trump administration is looking for regulations to axe, officials in the Justice Department, federal agencies, and Congress should work together to strike as many regulatory crimes as possible. (For more from the author of “The Trump Administration Should Crack Down on Silly Rules That Carry Criminal Penalties” please click HERE)

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